THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. TUESDAY, APRIL 3, 1883.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XX, Issue 6669, 3 April 1883, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald. AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. TUESDAY, APRIL 3, 1883.

In the absence of one accredited leader of the Opposition, it may be assumed that each of the various leaders should be the leader in Ixis own district. In this view Mr. Montgomery was in his place in facing Major Atkinson on the. latter making n political invasion of Canterbury. Ho was on the platform prepared for action, but confessed himself non-plussed by the non-polemic character of the Treasurer's address, ancl the somewhat abstract principles then discussal. But Mr. Montgomery

has chosen an opportunity -in meeting with his own constituents, to review the Minister's theses, and generally to critici.se matters of a more distinctive political character, which in his opinion the Minister improperly evaded. Indeed there is a running thread of querulous complaint through the whole texture j of Mr. Montgomery's speech, because that the Minister had not given him sufficient points of attack— an unconscious tribute to the adroitness of Major Atkinson in the conduct of his political campaign. He had, he said, " concluded that Major Atkinson would be prepared to give an explanation of the past conduct of the Government, and set forth their future policy, and that before men who were opposed to him, leaving it to them to comment upon it." But that is just what Major Atkinson had no intention of doing, and did not do, thus scoring one in the game of political strategy. Mr. Montgomery was " astonished to hear Major Atkinson say he came not to speak on a party question, but on a question of principle, which he wished them to think over." And he insinuates that there was something behind the move, and "can't think that the Treasurer, who was a politician, came to address a large meeting, simply to speak philosophical truth." There is something irresistibly droll in the naivete of Mr. Montgomery thus ponderously thrashing the supposition of Major Atkinson's dove-like simplicity, and in the slow and painful process by which his mind is forced to the reluctant conclusion that the Minister's " ulterior object was to ascertain the drift of public opinion, so that he could shape his policy with safety." Probably Major Atkinson could not himself in more concise and precise words express his real objeci, and the astonishment is; that Mr. Montgomery, an old campaigner, should have ever expected it to be anything else. The first point in the Minister's address on which Mr. Montgomery lays hold is the advocacy of the Hare system. This may, however, be safely left, with the compulsory national assurance, among the things that are useful for the training of the public mind ; for beautiful as the theory may be, there is, unfortunately perhaps, a very toilsome process of education which the public mild requires to undergo before it can thoroughly master the attractions of the sys;em. It is true that localism is the bate of-our political system, and if it could in any way be weeded out of our legislation it would be well. But it is dreadfully potential with electors, and as long as constituencies see the powers the present method of eilectioD gives them for pinning an unfortunate candidate down to a wretched culvert or bit of road, they will be intensely reluctant to favour a system that takes all this influence out of their bandg and has the halls of legislature filled under the influence of general principles, public repute, statesmanship, ability, worth, or anything else except roads and bridges. The Hars system proposes to begin at the top and build down, but if any dreamer expects to see it in operation in these colonies, let him first begin by removing roads and bridges, and everything that excites local covetousnes> from the sphere of legislation, to that of commissions or ci®Jocal government, and then, when halls of legislation have ceased to present a field for .oal rivalries, and jealousies, and need to wrangle in, and become the irena for the discussion of great priniples, and of the general polity of the fhole country, then may we have the apabilities of the Hare system tested, n the meantime—and from present ppearances it will be "a long time— | the theory, like some others of Major , Atkinson's, is admirable for educating the public mind, and as a subject for a debating club there is none better. Mr. Montgomery says that " the ■ sooner the people of the country had ' a voice in returning members to the Upper House the better." As a Liberal leader he was bound to say this. It is the accepted shibboleth of party, and in the absence of the teachings of experience, the people will probably hear nothing else. It is so correct in theory for the people to have directly the choice of all their legislators in their own hands, that all questioning of itia set down as leaning towards" autocracy. And yet the.Victorians, extreme democrats as they are, have been groaning under an elected Upper House, and have been envying the : nominee-ridden colonies. : They liave found that an elected Upper House is inclined to pose as representing the voice of the people equally with the Lower House, and can thus develop into obstruction and unendurable tyranny; whereas a nominee House, perhaps from modest consciousness of its inferiority in representative strength, 'perhaps from prudent consciousness of its dependence on the Ministry of the day, which is itself dependent on the will of the House of Representatives, offers but a moderate resistance to democratic pressure. This is the teaching of experience, but so long as the populace are onamoured of the theory of a representative' Upper Chamber, and resent any advocacy of nomineeism in the Lords as oligarchical or undemocratic, Mr. Montgomery Major. Atkinson and all other competitors for the popular suffrages, are quite right in humouring the people to the top of their bent. A nominee Chamber, which is practically elected by the elected of the people, is more amenable to public opinion, more easily sailed to order, and consequently more favourable to the progress of liberal measures, than any second directly representative Chamber can be, and if a second Chamber is at all requisite, will bo the form that will commend itself to an enlightened democracy, when the work of the education of the people, which Major Atkinson has begun, has brought them up to the higher standards.

But Mr. Montgomery pays, that among other objectionable persons the Legislative Council consisted of " those whom the people refused to return to tlie House of Representatives. It was an actual wrong to put such moil there." Why so f What is the actual •wrong, we ask, in putting in the Upper House men whom the people refused to return to the House of Kcpresentatives ? Docs Mr. Montgomery or any other member of the House of Representatives regard election to the House of Representatives as the sole test of worthy citizenship ? Does he think the people think so 1 If so, ho is certainly non-observant of popular remark. We do not disparage the worth of honorable members, but is anyone unaware of the current vein of con-

tempt which the of representatives? .. And why is this! It is because of the ignominious -wav m . which suffrages are sought, and' gained. It is because 'of the inconceivable lying, the hypocritical promisings, the hollow professions of principle, the contemptible fa.wnin« and flattery with which seats are so often -won. Is there anything fcase enough to -which a man will not descend when he wants a seat ? Look at_ candidate going his rounds, brimming over and. mouthing ideas as if they were his own, which probably have been pumped into him by somebody for the occasion: smiling on all, bowing to everybody, shaking hands with people whom he never knew before, gay and chatty, sympathetic and benevolent, ready to promise anything, full of high resolves ' and brilliant schemes with which he is prepared to revolutionise the State - yet obliged to fawn on the basest of electioneering intriguers, for whom and whose ways, if a man of honour and proper feeling, he tuu3t have nothing"" but loathing; and yet without such wading through the mire, or conniving at such oonduct on -the part of others, a candidate need hardly hope for victory in a keenly contested election. So much for the door of entrance : how about, the entrants? Many of them highminded and honouiable indeed, and with sincere desire to serve the State j but how many are there in legislatures elected by popular suffrage throughout the colonies self-seeking, unprincipled, disreputable, bad citizens and bad men, entrusted with what we euphoniously speak of - as the solemn trust and highest honour of citizenship, who would not be trusted by electors with a five-pound note of their own personal property r { Is this a test and proof of worthy citizenship ? May it not be that there are a class of oar fellow-colonists who would disdain the honour at - such a sacrifice of self-respect; and whatever other objections may fee urged against a. nominated Chamber, is it not something to have a branch of the legislature, where the services of such as these may be available to the State, without their coming up to their public duties reeking with the; stench of a political election? And if it is held, as it is by all who believe in the necessity of a second Chamber, that ah. Upper House is for the purpose of putting a drag on the wheels of reckless legislation, is it so very unreasonable that those who are thus required to work the brake are men who did not and never could descend to the contemptible tactics of public lying, and of basely pandering to the self-conceit and selfishness, the. caprice and passions of electors ? No. Let oopular election by all means enjoy its McElhones and Buchanans of debate, but until grave abuses can be shown to arise, let us have a Chamber where decent respectability can be represented, even though it be by nominaI tion, without the necessity of its wallowing in political cesspools. - And when we consider surrounding circumstances, and what is often implied ill an election victory, possibly it may not be such a stigma as Mr. Montgomery would have us believe attaches to the Legislative Council, thaj it- contains men whom the people did not and never would return to the House of - Representatives.