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THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, APRIL 30, 1880.

Mr. Gladstone has completed his Ministry, and the later appointments materially alter its complexion. It now stands thus : First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Gladstone ; Lord Chancellor, Lord Selborne ; President of the Council, Lord Spencer ; Privy Seal, Duke of Argyle ; Home Secretary, Sir William "Vernon Harcourt; Foreign Secretary, Earl Granville ; Colonial Secretary, Earl Kimberley ; Secretary for War, Mr. H. C. E. Childers; Secretary for India, Marquis of Hartington ; First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Northbrook. These comprise the Cabinet proper, but it is usual to have two or three more leading members of the party with seats in the Cabinet. Mr. Chamberlain is to be one of these. Mr. John Bright, who accepts his old post of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, is not mentioned in our telegrams, but must certainly be another, and probably Mr. W. E. Forster, the Secretaryfor Ireland, -who had a seat in Mr. Gladstone's last Government. The new Administration is a very strong one, both in debating and administrative ability. The Radical element is only small, and so far as mere numbers go, could exercise but little influence. It comprises Mr. John Bright, whose radicalism advancing age has, if not modified, rendered less prominent, though he i» very pronounced on the land question ; and Mr. Chamberlain, the member for Birmingham, who has come to the front very rapidly, and holds very advanced opinions. Sir Charles Wentworth Dilke's appointment as Foreign Under-Secretary is a concession to the Radicals ; but it is improbable that he has a seat in the Cabinet, and he will therefore hardly exercise much influence. The marked feature of the Cabinet is the inclusion of Mr. Chamberlain—a man of large personal power, and the very last, therefore, to play the part of dummy. As •we said on a previous occasion, though in different terms, the preponderance of nobles gives the Ministry a strong Conservative hue. As a matter of fact a Liberal Government in England is only a Conservative Government of a milder type. But it may safely be assumed that Mr. Bright and Sir. Chamberlain both gave in their adhesion only after a definite understanding with the Premier on certain points, such as the extension of selfgovernment in Ireland and the dealing with the land question of that country. Another circumstance which will operate in abatement of the Conservative tendencies of the aristocratic portion of the Cabinet will be the increasing decision of Mr. Gladstone's mind and its increasing tendency in favour of progressive legislation. He occupies a position of greater strength than he has ever previously held. He really is the Liberal party, its victory it may be said to owe to him. Indeed, it is likely that England sees at this time but one man—the Right Hon. William Ewart Gladstone. He may be said to command the House of Commons, as will be seen by the hearty cheers which we suspect will greet him when he takes his seat on the Treasury bench, and thus he will be in a position to dominate the Cabinet, though the last man to attempt it. The decided progression in Mr. Gladstone's views is unusual in a public man of his advanced age, and is probably due to the past successes of his opponents, a growing conviction of the necessity of strengthening his party by broadening its policy, by resentment at the action and scarcely covert influence of the Court, a sense of the injustice and contumely with which personally he has been treated, and a profound aversion and distrust of the exaltation of the prerogative of the Crown, encouraged by his predecessor. The setting aside the rejection by the House of Lords of the Bill for the abolition of purchase in the army, and giving it eSect by means of the Royal Warrant, brought to light a daring and resolution with which those who know him best would not have credited him. The Premier's acceptance of the duties of the Treasury, and a conviction that his foreign policy will be strenuously directed towards the preservation of peace, will inspire great public confidence. The price of Consols has steadily advanced since his success at the general elections, and reached a point not obtained for a considerable time. It is, of course, impossible to apportion the operations of these two causes, but the country has an abiding belief in Mr. Gladstone's supreme financial ability, and there is all the past to justify it. To him alone it owes frequent and large remissions of taxation and sustained economy of administration, and may therefore now feel that gratitude which ensues from the anticipation

of-'favours fco come! It'lias always i, rr aUeged, however,-by' hia opponents *tw the efficiency of the navy was conse quently impaired, and the charge doe* not appear to have been ever comnletrfw rebutted.' J We suspect that its foreign policy w ;ii be the weak point of the Government and will not accord with the feelini of the country, whose vote in favnni of the Liberals may or may S have been the expression of a de sire for a change in this direction but probably was not. Mr. Gladstone's speeches afford an assurance that af least his course will be one of energy an .i resolution to compel Turkey to reform its administration- He insists that this is the legitimate and best means of baffling the ambition of Russia, and he will pro bably go to consideiable lengths to give if effect. His policy with regard to .Russian movements in Central Asia is explicit Tf is to permit their development, assume an attitude of inaction—wait for any R ns l sian advance in India, not antici pate it by meeting it. Should R U33 j' take possession of Merv, which th British Ambassader at St. Petersburg has been assured is not her present intention, but which she guards herself bv saying she may do, the question arise, whether a British policy of abstention will then be received with complacency by the nation. In former times it was a subject of moment to the colonies who occupied the position of Secretary of State for them. It is much less so now when they possess self-government. Ejt? Kimberley, who succeeds Sir JI. HicksBeach, has previously discharged the duties, and evinced caution, prudence and a policy of non-interference, which ig about all that ia required. A statesman who desired to do this would be likely' to do the mischief. Of the strength of Mr Gladstone's Government there can be no doubt; the only question which remains is, what will be its policy'? This much we know, that it is to be chiefly domestic

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZH18800430.2.15

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume XVII, Issue 5757, 30 April 1880, Page 4

Word Count
1,125

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, APRIL 30, 1880. New Zealand Herald, Volume XVII, Issue 5757, 30 April 1880, Page 4

THE New Zealand Herald AND DAILY SOUTHERN CROSS. FRIDAY, APRIL 30, 1880. New Zealand Herald, Volume XVII, Issue 5757, 30 April 1880, Page 4