NOMINATIONS FOR AUCKLAND CITY EAST.
THE nomination for Auckland City ■was' held at the Mechanics' Institute, noon ■ yesterday. ; There was a . very large attendance, and much interest was shewn in the proceedings. H. C. Balnea vis, Esq., the Returning Officer, read'the writ for the return of one member to represent the district in the House of .Representatives, and also the,ad-, vertisment of the nomination. iiv/i-. Mr. Peacock proponed in very eulogistic terms Mr. James McCosh Clark, as a fit and, proper person to represent them in "the next Parliament. ' ■ This nomination was seconded by Mr. Upton. Mr. Stankxts Jonei proposed Mr. W,.li, Ecea. This nomination was seconded by Mr. Levy. Mr. Clauk, on coniing forward, was received with cheers. He said that in his late speech he had stated that the advocates of Separation had not hitherto attempted to shew what the effect of Separation would be upon the finances of the North Island. (Cheers.) He had gone into accounts, had made calculations, and had drawn deductions from those calculations, all going in the direction to prove that Separation meant disaster to the North Island. (Cheers, and cries of no, no.) That had been his opinion, and it was his opinion yet, and he certainly had heard nothing stated that would make Jiim give it up. He expected he would have id matter for a short speech, to prove that iiis calculations were not erroneous, and also to prove that his deductions were correet. He had heard nothing against his arguments and nothing against the figures, wtth the exception of an article in the Evening Star of the 21st instant, and of a 3light allusion to the matter in this morning's Herald. The allusion in the Herald he must say he thought was about the weakest criticism of any calculation that he, had almost ever seen. It referred to calculations on the subject submitted by Mr. D;irgaville and himself. {.Laughter.) These calculations were conjoined in the columns of the Hbralb. The figures did not agree exactly, because they had each worked them out in their own way, but they both tended in the same direction. The Herald said that they made two errors—one respecting the extravagant expenditure, and the other the large charges on account of the land. With regard to the expenditure, he would refer to that when he spoke of the criticism in the Evening Star; but in reference to tlie other, that was the point which was so weak. They referred to the amount which would have to be paid as interest and sinking fund on the colonial debt, stating that the South would be willing to take over rv large amount of that debt. In his calculations that had been admitted to the extent of £4,000,000, and he had never heard those favourable to Separation mention a larger amount than that. The Herald said this was not the question at all, that the Federal Government would take over the debt Where was the Federal Government to get money from ? Were they to borrow more, and not charge it to the colony; or were they to coin money, without charging us for the bullion ? They, of course, would pay that debt, but they would pay it out of the revenues which they raised from us. Yesterday, at the nomination for City West, a great deal was said, and a good deal of which he thoroughly approved ; but ■what he considered to be really the point at issue was never touched, and last night when his opponent addressed them, he also shut out the question. Ttia opponent had said that he was what he (Mr. Clark) understood to be above matters of pounds, shillings, and pence, and considered there •were far more important considerations. Now, whether it was from his business train•ing or from the fact of his being a more ■practical man, he conld not say; but he 'thought differently, and thought that under present circumstances the question of pounds •shillings and pence was the principal thing >to be considered. He would ask them who had felt the difficulty of being unable to open up 'the country, of constructing roads or ■erecting bridges—difficulties which had not been experienced in the South, if that was ■not'st question of pounds shillings and pence. "When the tax-collector went to the houses • of "the .working man, who had a small weekly wages, and perhaps a good many mouths to provide for, and asked for the education tax, that was not a question of pounds perhaps, but it was of shillings and pence. But again, -when 'the money raised by that means was ' insufficient to give us proper education, that ■was something more than a matter of pounds ■ shillings and pence ; but they lost it from -slot having-the pounds shillings and pence. -'Jteferring-to the injustice thrown upon us by •the land -revenue not being considered as ' consolidated revenue, by not making it hear its proper burdens, and sweeping away the ' Customs duties, was not that a question. of pounds shillings and pence ? and-a very-important question too. Then his -opponent -referred to the master minds of the age—men whose writings he admired;' those -men were not above ideas of political economy; and what was political economy but a question of £ s d—the question of the incidence of taxation, of wages, and of its relation to capital ? If they did Km the honor of returning him, he would never be - above guarding their interests in a .question of £ s d ; he would never be above doing what he ■ could to advance their material prosperity. .(Cheers.) He agreed with a " great deafl -that had "been said by his -oppo--nent, and >by these who went with Mm -on the present questions, 'but as they had done " little in attacking his arguments, he would .attempt te -sift same of .the wheat from the -certainly great deal of chafF, and to r -what they -really meant, and in what he' * -agreed with -them, andia what he differed ■ •'from. them. He would "first refer to the : present Ministers. He had heard a good "*■ 'deal of hard 'hitting at 'those gentlemen, : • —much of the exposure of land jobbery to an ; . extraordinary -extent, much of men who controlled the votes of the House, and par- i ficnlarly of their expressed-opinions going j in -the direction -Of maintaining that which; he.contended was a great injustice, viz., ■ continuing to localize the land ~&ind. When ; he heard his opponent going In heavily, gainst-them, he was inclined to.say, " Hit i him again," or he would even say, "Them's j •my sentiments." At the same in | .coming -down upon the Mimrfcry, he j .did not think there was any ?occasion X)t .going 'back to blame them "for the -compact of 1856, or for the -removal .of .the seat .of Government. These -things -v. o often spoken of as abuses, and although it v. *v: not stated that the Ministers caused I -them, t."i- reference was left that they .did. The Ministi j hjid enough to do to bear thefir own Bins without being made to answer 'for -the sins of previous Parliaments. The nest thing he would refer to was <the Abolition, Bill of last session. Here the principal -point of objection to this biH was one in; which he .entirely concurred, that was, it | went too far in the direction of maintaining the localisation of the land fund. If he had been asked in plain terms other night, "Will you vote for the Abolition BJH'J" he thought he would have said " Yes," but the one clause repealing the bill wonld quire to be one clause of another bill going in the same direction but Improving the defects in that bill. And whenever ■ffce
question cornea up, that would be cb i r.ution in which the support would go. But when it was said that the Ml, after taking away our little Parliament and onr Superintendent, or making him Government agent, left us, in all respects bnt in name, just where we were. To that statement _Ke disagreed. He would state that the bill, while it gave them something he had referred to before as to the charging of interest of provincial debts hj jori the land and not out of cavitation, was valuable, and this would enable them to carry on public works. This Iras a point of very great importance to
,them in the mean time. It waff a ~ question for last session. whetheirflie ' province would ;be-able-longer to feed the prisoners-in our gaol, or whether we should be abla' io keep up-the (Asylum, and he this bill that, ithe General Government 0?uld provide for . j police, gaols, asylums, charitable itutiona, and above all, education. If they [abolished that bill frithout patting anything ;in its place, what then would come ? Did they want the abominable Education Act continued—because it meant that. (Cheers.) ■ The amount proposed by'.the bill to be paid s i out ef the consolidated revenue to the Northjern Island Provincial Districts was somej thing like £164,000. - He had never gone into I figures to see how much the province was {drawingirom the consolidated revenue, but. ihe'tielieyed it to be 'about £50,000, as that i was the amount referred to by the, Evening 'Star of Tuesday last. Now he would say ' that upon that point the Abolition Bill, imperfect as it was, was a step in the right direction. [A Voice: " No, no."] - He did. , not sympathise with those who talked sentiment about the Provincial Council, about its benefits for raising up men to take their place in the bigger House. It might have that effect, but he would say if it had no other advantage than that, they were paying too dear for their whistle." Men could get sufficient experience in the Highway Boards i or Harbour Boards for that, . as all that was 'required was to take part in meeting where business was conducted in some order, and where they were required to say what they had to say at once and to have done with it. There might be a little too much talk in some of 'these institutions, but in others of ' them they attempted to do business in an orderly way. He would say with regard to Provincialism, that Provincialism, even before the last session of the Assembly, was nearly dead, and - it got its quietus then. ■ He would'have liked then to have seen it 1 quietly put under ground and decently buried The Opposition raised had kept the coffin above ground until next ;• Assembly .meets, and it was over this-that they had been quarrelling. It had had rather a long ■wake, but he hoped .that at the next meet-. >ing of the-Assembly they, would have'it put out. of sight decently and quietly. It-was 'trae they wonld have a: ghost—the-ghost of Provincialism. —walking about, ..and it was : rather a'substantial ghost too, m_the shape !of the Provincial Districts, butMf he had ithe honour of sitting in the General Asjsembly, he hoped to support Sir George ■ Grey in trying td'lay that ghost—in trying jto rub out as regards ,• the localising of the .revenue everything from the Provincial ; Districts. He would refer to the question •of Separation. ■ He had attempted to shew 'that it would be disastrous to the North Island, and he had said that the only •attempt, almost, worth, answering to set aside his figures was that which appeared in the Evening Star of Tuesday lost. The writer of the article accepted his (Mr. Clark's) figures, but puts them a little differently. After putting the revenue, and 'taking the liability for interest and sinking fund upon the four million loan, which he assumes the South to take, he goes oh to say that in addition to these there will be provincial revenues. Now, in the calculations he (Mr. Clark) had left out the Provincial revenues, but against them theco. r. if maintaining the Provincial Gaol and Hospital had been left out, and so that it would also materially affect the revenue, so that the result would be about the same. The writer supposed that by separation all these institutions would be paid out of Rome other fund altogether different from what they had hitherto been. He evidently supposes we should bring in Provincial revenue into our calculations but leave out the question of expenditure. That was what his words meant. He assumed there would be a cost of £40,000 or £50,000, in managing even the cheap little Government we were going to have, and that having borne our proportion of the charges of Federal Government, we should have left about £450,000 available for the purposes of the ordinary administration of the Government, public works and immigration. Of course, there was ho mistatement in this, but, still, it wai calculated to mislead; because it did not provjde for departmental charges which could not be avoided. There was the Post-office, the Telegraph, and other departmental expenses, that even in connection with a Federal Government, would require to be paid. After these charges had been allowed for, the £450,000 would dwindle away to about £211,000, which . was about what he had made it. The writer of the article says, "All that it now receives is about £55,000." He supposed the writer meant that was all they were receiving under the past constitution, but what they were now to receive under the faulty bill was something like £164,000, but still he contended that £211,000 was nothing towards giving them immigration and public works, not to speak of immigration. Mr, Rees, his opponent, had given him a strong argument last night. He could not help thinking when hiß opponent referred to figures, " Oh that mine enemy woiild write a book." [Mr. Kees: I have written one.] Mr. Clark: In the first place he would explain that he did not call his opponent his enemy, and perhaps the book he had written was a good one, but in turning the thought in his «fwn mind, he felt like saying, " Oh, that my opponent would go into figures. Oh, that he would go into pounds, shillings, and pence; then £ might have him on the hip." In making his calculation he (Mr. Clark) referred ' to the anticipated diminution of the revenue—not from having examined that, but knowing that as a business man, and instead of taking the estimated revenue for this year, he had taken the actual revenue for the last year; that being somewhere about £150,000. Well, taking that, and comparing what the income would likely be, and what the calculation would-be, would bring a deficit in the North Island of something like £130,000. In looking at these matters from the point of view of £ s d, the more was he convinced that Separation meant disaster to theNorthlsland—a reduction in business, less work, and lower wages. The next point he would refer to was that of following Sir George Grey as a leader. He would admit £h*t a leader was necessary, and he had the circumstances in which he would be proud to enroll himself- under the banner of .Sir George Grey's leadership. They could , not -all be leaders, they were not all fit for ' it, and for himself he would like to be just someiiting like he would desire to be in the ; hunting field; he did not care to be first Sight, but he would like to be there or somewhere about. -Sir George Grey had, many qualifications for a leader, he had great ability, great experience, and unflinching courage. Had Sir George Grey's party given a policy—(hear, hear,) —and said what they want us to assist-them/in, then, as a.candidate yesterday said, he would have put .that in the crucible of his mind, and wouid bare tried, if possible, to hare met him and to have worked with him ■shoulder to shoulder. Bat when they asked tfcom merely to go forward and support a man ' without stating anything regarding his ! policy—well, if that had not Men put forward by men with beards on their faces, he wouid have said it was childish. He believed that if he sat in the next Parliament he -would be found voting with Sir George Grey, and that he would often be found in the lobby with him. He considered that this agitation for Separation; when once parties came together and began to discuss its conditions, that they would find their ideas respecting it so opposite that the party would tall to pieces, and-.then Sir George Grey and his party would no doubt consider what was best to be done in the interests of their cohy . •titaents/and-he would endeavour to keep himself in such a position with: that party that he shonld act with them when thus* matters came~up~."~ In that way he would support Sir George Grey;, but if they asked him simply to follow him, he irould reply—no. It would ba cheaper, and
fust'tuT"effectiv'tvto"elecfc one—man,-and.-to give him a.number of proiciesrin hisr pocket. On thc question of the land revenue and of ithe land fund, they were all at one here, and Jthey,ought.tb do..battle, for, that. It .waa. said'that they could~ not' get'' it; but ■ he; .thought they had never had a better tunity of getting it than now. Hitherto (Provincialism had been' tlie barrier, but now ithat was dead, and; they might get the land 'fund, though they had failed Defore. In 'reference to dealing with the public estate in the South, he thought the runs sheuld be : assessed; not that they/might be re-let to present owners, but in border to prevent a ring ] being formed, and the property purchased below its value. After assessment, he thought they should b& sold by public auction. The progress of the country must not be impeded. • : Where men -would" occupy -the ground, they should, have it in preference to the sheep, and land of which there was a prospect' of settlement should be leased,, even though at a lower rental, for shorter terms. He had to thank his opponent for the. courtesy which he had shewn him during the contest, and he might say, also, that on his part he. had never said anything behind his opponent's back which he would not say face to face with him, and then shake hands with him afterwards. There_ were a few trifling things to which he desired to reply. It had been said" that one reason why he had rather shirked the Indemnity Bill was that he was himself interested in those 1 speculations, so that it was just as well he should give it a flat denial. It was also stated that he was interested in the particular land in the Tauranga district to which he had referred, although he had said distinctly that the person in question was a Southern settler with capital. To shew that there was a misunderstanding in relation to these matters, he would tell them all the landed property he possessed. The Only land _he had was 400 acres, and the only speculationof land which he had moved in and .".did not. get -was an interest. in a small piece of land. at Tauranga, which was also about 400 acres. There, were certainly men, _ large land owners, whose interests were in opposition to those of the poorer, classes. . The people might get poor, but their land would increase in value, labour might be cheap, and high prices be obtained for produce and higher rents for property. Such men would have, interest opposite to those of .the . poorer classes, but as he had stated he was in business and his interests were identical with theirs. The financial matters of business men were as good as a barometer for shewing the state of the moneymarket. If the pumps of the ■ Bright Smile stopped and 1 threw a number of working men out of employment it affeeted them—their interests were in no way different. He wished to say that it was only through the prosperity of the people that he could prosper. (Cheers.) Mr. W. L. Bees was received with loud cheers. He said there were one or two things upon which he must speak especially after the remarks which had. fallen from Mr. Clark. If Mr. Clark would take the trouble to enquire, -he would find that he (Mr. Bees) had been during the past two years makingenquiries into the finances of New Zealand, 'and that long, before Mr. Clark had been announced as a candidate he had addressed the electors on tbat very question, and had shewn how it would affect the province and the colony. He had also written a book on the finances. of 2Tew Zealand before Mr. Clark desired him .to, and he would send him a copy of it,. which would shew that he had dealt with, the question from a £. s. d. point of view.- The difference seemed to him that his opponent only looked' at the question from £. s. d., whereas he looked at it from a very different standpoint, and wished to shew people that there was some-, thing else, something above mere pounds shillings and pence, (Cheers.) It had been too long the custom to look only upon money. (Cheers.) They had come to think that if a man was , thoroughly independent, that was if he had money, he was everything that was good; whereas if a man did not happen to have a a good balance at the bankers, no matter how upright, or clever, or honest he might be, then he cannot be an independent man, 'or a fit representative for the people. If the electors would only take the trouble to scrutinize the votes of the Auckland men, who were thoroughly independent men, in the last session, they wouid find that these thoroughly independent men were the very men who had been steering the ship of Auckland on the rocks. (Cheers.) They were thoroughly independent men who were concerned in the Piako Swamp—(cheers)— thoroughly independent men who took advantage of the Indemnification Act— (cheers) —they were thoroughly independent men who had been voting for putting away our Superintendent, and in his place putting a nominee of the Government, and if there had been a blow inflicted which would stab Auckland to the heart, it had been inflicted by thoroughly independent men. (Cheers.) They would see that the men among their representatives who were men of wealth were the very men who were always found at the beck and call of the Ministry, and -who would always do what the Ministry chose. It was no sin for a man to be a • wealthy man if he had acquired his wealth honestly, and he was sure that anything Mr. Clark had, had been acquired honestly. It was creditable for a man to push hinaelf on in business and to succeed ; but when a : man came forward and talked as Mr. Peacock had done, about independent men, it was enough to provoke reply. He had heard it said that they wanted'more business men in the House. What they wanted in the House was statesmen—men who were not bound to look from the mere horizon of pounds, shillings, and pence; men who | conld _ remember that it was not only a material advantage they should secure, but that they must guard those liberties which they werejproud as Englishmen- and Britons | to perpetuate. They must not sacrifice all , on the shrine of pounds, shillings, and pence. (Cheers.) Why, it had been this miserable pounds-shillings-and-pence ery that had put us in our present condition. The socalled compact of 1856 was, so far as Auckland was concerned, by thoroughly independent men, whose leading principles had been "pounds, shillings, and pence." For the interest of pounds, shillings, and pence, Auckland had sold its birthright; and yet they were told that their candidates should be chiefly guided by this consideration. He was very much amused with what Mr. Upton had said. He had said Mr. Clark may be misapprehended in what he has said. Mr. Clark is for "reform," and if you call "Separation" "reform," Mr. Clark will very likely fall in with it, and there won't be much difference after aIL Why Mr. Cladc bad said that by whatever they callad. it—" reform," or " Separation " —he is dead opposed to it. If money independence had been a qualification to represent the people, he would like to know where the greatest statesmen and legislators would have been—men like William Pitt, who had not a shilling to pay loh debts with —men like Clive and Warren Hastings, and many of the names of those who appeared as leaders in English history. If the opinion had been held that though they had every other qualification, they must be admittance to public life if they were not " independent men.lt seemed to him that what the electors had to judge was the soundness of the views of the candidate, and whether he would represent them to take what they believed to be the proper course in politics, or whether they will go in to sell themselves and their constituents for £ s. d. If they trusted such a man with your rates they might well look out, bnt he had not heard it asserted that this was his motive, and he would like to meet the man who Would say that it was. Mr. Clark had said that the Government would provide for police and education under the Abolition Act. * • Now would they provide— for education'. all : t r ~.-They/did inojt do;,away With our Education. ; A«fcbut. this paternal,'
wealthy GoTernment,.which,,wae provjde of -xrion£y, (Auckland, and had retained the wKolo of it themselves.[ Government said'these' funds are detained to mept these-changes, (§s for list annejefl haraty n ' Hiey had done this without the least authority in law for bo doing. He said that jthe .Government of the colony, had hot got" funds to fulfil. any_ of-its promises;; and he could tell-them thi% t that the "Government knew it, and that was jthe reason they were attempting to put the screw,' on ! here,; and delay : paying - the' amouritj wiicfy .tljiey' would ,to 'Compelled to pay,'and they-wbnld be compelled by law to pay, if they did not do so without that compulsion. What was the use of talking about this Government providing for them ? How would they provide for them, but by simply making them pay for it ? He would tell them that the only ways in which the Government were not prepared to pay for the cost of governing were these; first, they were not prepared to take the land fund of the South; and secondly, they were not prepared to tax the property of the richer classes. They would tax the labourers, the small shopkeepers, the artizansi and persons in that capacity, but tax the wealthy squatter- and merchant they would not. The reason for this was obvious, they had not the people in their favour, and .if they turned the property owners against them they would be kicked out. In the House, after discussion, it had been allowed that they could literally save nothing' by abolishing Provincial Governments. They should remember in relation to Separation that so long as they were tied to the South, the South had the balance of power, and there were present members of the late Parliament who could remember a Southern member stating that all the South had got to do was to keep the majority of votes in the South. The South had 52 votes against 340r 36 in the North, and so'long as they had that preponderance with ; distinct and different interests to follow, so long the North might rest assured it would be misgoverned and oppressed. This was one argument for separation which could not be looked upon, from a pounds, shillings, and Sence point of view. They had heard a great eal about "servile' following." He admired tlie memory of Mr. Peacock,- by which he repeated the remarks he made in relation to this question. He (Mr. Sees) for oce stood just on the same platform as Mr. Clark in this, that he would servilely follow no ma.n. If he was a greater man'than Sir George Grey, if he did things which he (Mr Rees) did not believe to be best, he might in Some instances where no principle was at stake submit his judgment to the leader,' but if it came to a matter of principle and he saw what he believed to be the interests of. the people lie in another direction he would, just rive his opinion and take Eis action against Sir George Grey, against the,. Government, or, if it came to that, against the whole of the people of New Zealand, or against the whole of the people of the Empire. He believed he might safely say that he was the first in New Zealand who raised a cry in public and through the Press against the party which wa3 then the all-powerful party—the party of Julius Vogel and his Ministry. He had not taken np the popular cry because it was popular, but he spoke his convictions. He believed that ;the moderate amount of esteem Sir; George Grey had for him would be gone l altogether, and if he believed that he (Mr. Bees) oould servilely follow him, and if he beUeved he could occupy to him the position which some of the members occupied to Mr." Vogel and to other leaders in the Assembly, he would turn his back upon him and walk away. The plain question they had to consider was who they would elect. •. If they elected - candidates who would - not worktogether under one leader, they I would get no . justice, and it would serve them right. .If returned, he would : do what he could to serve them. They personally did not want much. They did not want any roads or bridges, . but he would do what ho conld to secure their rights. He might not be in one sense, as Mr. Clark was, a thoroughly independent man, as he had to earn his living by the labour of his brains; but he could offer, them all that Mr. Clark could. Mr. Clark did not offer them a grant of £5000, but simply said he would give them his business;, capacity, his time, and assistance ; and that was what he too offered them. He did not want them to say one was a better man than the other, but he wanted them to declare openly in the election what were the measures and the principles which the electors of City East would endorse in the future sittings of the Assembly. Two questions were given to Mr. Ciakk. by Mr. Staines, which he read and replied to as follows : "Do not you think that if any of the Police commit unjust acts, or assault unoffending persons, they should be 1 dismissed from the force ?"—I say, yes. And would they be better under local control Upon that I have my doubts. Mr. Carr : Have you been brought out by the present Ministry ? Mr. C'laßK said that he had not been brought out by the Ministry, and his speech shewed it. If they had asked him to come out they had need to say, " Save as from our friends." Mr. Rees answered the first questions which had been put to Mr. Clark in a similar manner, and said that he believed the police would be better under local control. A show of hands was taken for the candii dates, and resulted as follows : — Mr. Beeß 57 Mr. Clark 23 Majority for Bees ... ... 34 A poll was demanded for Mr. Clark by Messrs. Peacock and Mr. Buckland. A vote of thanks to the Returning Officer was moved by Mr. Clark, seconded by Mr. Rjjes, and carried by acclamation. The poll will take place on the 30th inst. Dk. be Jongh's Light-Bbown Cob Liver Oil.—lnvariably pure, uniformly excellent. —Dr. Letheby, late Medical Officerof Health to the City of London, writes:—" In all cases I have found Dr. de Jongh's Cod Liver Oil possessing the same set of properties, among which the presence of cholaic compounds, and of iodine in a state of organic combination, are the most remarkable. It is, I believe, universally acknowledged- that this description of Oil has great therapeutic power; and, from my investigations, I have no doubt of its being a pure ana unadulterated article." Sold only in capauled Imperial Half-pints, Pints, and Quarts, by all Chemists, Druggists, and Storekeepers. Sole Consignees : Ansar, Harford and Co., 77, Strand, London. Agents for New Zealand: Kempthorne, Prosser and Co., Auckland and Dunedln. (1)
- Beautiful Flowers now Grace otrn Gardens, and, Nature Having Pot on Her Most Cheerful Attire, it behoves us to make our homes comfortable and pleasing to the eye. All good housewives should take the earliest opportunity of inspecting the grand show of New Carpets in Holloway and Garlick's Furnishing.Boom at the City HalL Beautiful Tapestry Brussels Carpet at 2s 3d. Great Variety in Best Brussels, Kidderminsters, and Tapestries. Large lot of NewPattern Floor Cloths, from*2s 9d per yard— the cheapest in Auckland. Immense Assortment of. Muslin Lace Curtains, and Bed Furniture, —Chintz, Cretooe, Quilts, Blankets, Sheets, See. Carpets laid raxs or Chabob by a skilled hand.—Hollow at akd Garlict City Hall, Quean-street, Auckland, Wkston'b Wizard Oil.—Have you inflammatory lore threat, stiff joints, or lameness, from'any causa Whaterer ! Have you rheumatic or other pains In part of tta* body f . If to, use Weston'i Wizard Oil internally and Many persons suffer with sick faeadachc, and norroua beocUche,' lunaUy induced by costiTeneu, indigestion,- Jcc. ■ -Wbstoh's If agio Piluq act. (peclfioolly ontb* Blood, Liver, and Kidneys, and produce * rf julariip qf the Bavdi qo essential to health' and comfort. Price balf-a-crown. ■ Sole-Meats—KcmpUtenfe, Fzwser and Co.— [A»rr.)
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New Zealand Herald, Volume XII, Issue 4404, 24 December 1875, Page 1 (Supplement)
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5,630NOMINATIONS FOR AUCKLAND CITY EAST. New Zealand Herald, Volume XII, Issue 4404, 24 December 1875, Page 1 (Supplement)
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