The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1865.

New Zealand Herald, Volume II, Issue 490, 27 May 1865, Page 4

The New Zealand Herald

AUCKLAND, SATURDAY, MAY 27, 1865.

GI'KCTEJIUB AGO DO. " Give every msn thine os?, but row thy volca: Tako OHCh man's cousure, hut resorvo thy Juiijmont. This abovo all, —To t.hiuo ownself bo truO; And It must follow, as the niKht tho day, Thou canst not tUoii l>o falso to any man."

In commenting upon the debates in the House of Commons in March last on New Zealand, and 011 the decision arrived at by the Home Government, we showed how very natural it was that the English Cabinet should be glad of any reasonable opportunity of escaping from the cost of the New Zealand war. But this by no means implies that we think the action taken by the British Government is the best that could be taken under the circumstances. A careful reading of the despatch and of the speech of Mr. Cardwell, shows that the disputes between the late Ministry and the Governor had left an impression on his mind by no means favorable to the Governor. Another Ministry that would have demanded the carrying out of the programme previously resolved upon by the Assembly, and thus by keeping Sir George Grey to a fixed and determined and common sense policy, have shown that the colony was fully decided as to the measures it thought necessary, would so have brought things to a dead lock, that-a radical change would have been inevitable, and a new Governor would have occupied the position which is still held by Sir George Grev. Then we believe abetter and happier state of things would have succeeded, but we can see no chance of the childish folly of the present Governor,and the mischievous experiments of the present Ministry, producing anything but the most disastrous results. Mr. Cardwell, of course, looks upon the Weld Ministry as representing the majority of the colonists. He concludes, therefore, thai: the proposals of that Ministry rellect the opinions of the majority of both North and Southern Islands. When he gave in his adhesion to that policy he knew no better. But nevertheless it remains a fact that every member in the Assembly representing the Province of Auckland, and the entire population of the province, entirely and wholly disagree with Mr. Weld's plan of operations. Mr. Cardwell then has taken the part for the whole, and that part the one least affected I)}' the war —the part which is almost wholly as safe from personal inconvenience, on account of the war, as is Mr. Cardwell himself and the British House of Commons. Ic becomes then this province to be up and doing, to rise from its lethargic state, and by a vigorous action supplement the petition" for separation, already sent home, by an arrav of facts and figures judiciously combined, which will counterbalance and expose the Weld and all other mistatements concerning us. Politically Auckland has too much in her composition of that well known gentle n in, who was always expecting something to '' turn up," but who seldom took much trouble to turn that something up by his own exertions. He trusted to friends and the chapter of accidents; wo would rather trust to our own foresight aud exertions. In default then of having a minister for New Zealand, or rather for the province of Auckland at London, as we have more than once recommended, it is our duty as a province to issue a grave-manifesto, pregnant with undisputed tacts aud calm statements. We want a state paper, in fact, drawn up in a most careful manner, briefly narrating the causes of the war, the relative power and position of England and the colony, the acts of the present Governor, of the past and present Ministry, the usage as to land buying, the ; freedom of the colonists from the great crimes of robbing

tlio natives of their land, and of generally trampling upon anrl ill using them; the horrid murders committed by the latter, the i bribing system paid for out of tlie colonists' pockets, and other questions of a like character. "We would have such a document drawn, up with the greatest care, agreed to at a meeting of inhabitants if need be, and signed by the Superintendent of the province in his official capacity. It should then be printed in a pamphlet or other form in Auckland, and measures should be taken to send a, copy to every member of the British Houses of Parliament as well as to her Majesty's Government;, and the newspapers of the principal towns of Great Britain and Ireland. And a voluntary agency is ready at hand to do the work of distribution. Our population numbers persons from a large number of towns and counties in Great Britain and Ireland. Persons would readily come forward and transmit ten copies to the members who represent the borough or county from i whence they came, and in a similar manner the press might be reached. Such a manifesto would cause a profound sensation, and especially 'if coupled with the notification that the" Auckland members unanimously declined to attend the meeting of the Assembly. It would dispel in most minds the clouds of ignorance and the films of prejudice which cause Englishmen to judge their brethren at the antipodes wrongly. It would remove the caricature which falsely represents them as oppressors of the Maori, and paint the truthful picture which would exhibit the colonist as the persecuted. The Northern Association at once presents the means by which such a State paper could be drawn up and forwarded. And it is due to ourselves, to our own self-respect as men, as Englishmen, and as Christians, that the foul and hateful aspersions cast upon our character by the representatives of Exeter Hall, and military subs writing home to their friends, should be held up to the mirror of truth, and their untruthful utterances be exposed to a public who would doubtless rather believe well than ill of thcr distant countrymen. Tor there are certainly numbers of people at home, who still remember that we are " bone of their bone, and flesh of their flesh," and who canuot, and will not believe, that we have left all the instincts of humanity, and the honor and honesty of Englishmen behind us. But yet tliey are constantly told by men high in station, members of religious and quasi-religious societies, that we are such degenerate monsters, the information being obtained through enemies here. What wonder if the pertinacious repetition of these uncontradicted statements take at last some hold on the English mind. The poison is inserted by the bland philanthropic men of Exeter Hall. Their unctuous manner and pious grimaces have in time their effect. The antidote is never given, or if offered at all, is in a diluted and all but worthless form. The debate in the House of Commons to which we have referred is conclusive proof that there is a powerful and eminent set of politicians who disbelieve the misrepresentations of our character, and whom an official statement of facts would convert into our warm friends. Such men as Lord Stanley have a real weight in the Senate House and in the nation ; they are now inclined to our side ; judicious measures would make them our earnest li'iends and defenders, and probably secure their great and powerful aid in assisting us to throw off the yoke which binds us to the South, and leaves us a helpless prey in their hands. We again repeat that we owe it to ourselves—to our friends in Parliament and elsewhere, and to the great English people, subjects of a common Sovereign, to purge ourselves from the stains which have been so freely cast upon our honour, honesty, and humanity, by pious peacemongei's, whose charitable bosoms expand and grow warm toward a savage cannibal, but w;io pass by on the other side when a countryman's life and character is at stake, and even cast the first stone at him. Similarly the untruths written by a few military men who would prefer the idle inglorious life of an. English garrison town to one of active work in the field, would alike be shown in their right light.

The commercial aspect of the affairs of this province at the present time, when political combination threatens us with every injustice which the malice of our enemies can devise, is a subject that cannot fail to awaken more or less anxiety in the minds of all classes of the community. With some* people, we are aware, it is a difficult task to realize any immediate connexion whatever between public questions and private interests. »So long as the latter continue to go on. prosperously and unchecked the existence of the former is seldom recognized by them at all, or at best is supposed to coucern only a few special individuals, and to pertain to them exclusively. Political life certainly is not usualty a profitable career in tho colonies. It not infrequently happens that the most successful colonists are men who have never meddled witli politics, or in any way troubled themselves about the course of public events. It is one thing, however, to be an habitual interineddler in matters that do not iiranediatel}' concern us, and another to recognize tho equitable responsibility which attaches to each of us as individual members of the commonwealth. It makes all the difference between freemen and slaves to evidence a just appreciation of our rights and liberties, by having regard to the means by which these are secured and consolidated, and to manifest habitual unconcern on the subject. The latter course cannot long be persevered in by any people without damage to its political independence on the one hand, and the decline of its material prosperity on the other. Thjs is the lesson which history, teaches. We of Aucklaud,- perhaps, have yet something to learn on this head, a:id like others, we suppose, shall have to pay for our experience. Whatever depression commercial matters have undergone in this city for the last seven years has been owing directly, to the action of political changes, to misgovernment through ignorance or the abuse of power, and to no other cause. Overtrading has never been chargeable against this community. Extravagance and costly living, as in many of tho other colonies have at rio time characterized the habits of the commercial classes of Auckland. Even our most opulent citizens and substantial

settlers seldom indulge in display of anykind approaching to what, their ample incomes might justify. Frugality and economy have been practised amongst us a rule, and to this in a large measure we are indebted for the stability and progressive prosperity we at present enjoy. If that prosperity is now threatened with arrest in ever so small a degree, this is the result, not, as is usually the ease in most other trading communities, of an unsound system of commerce, or the failure of our resources, or the ungeniality of our climate, but solely and entirely of preconcerted political persecution hurled at us from without in a moment of weakness, and the remedy for which, in a great measure, still lies in our own hand. If we had only found time from our business engagements to hare given a little more heed to our political interests, we might possibly have done something to avert any loss and inconvenience which may affect us ; or if, even as matters now stand, the public injuries sought to be done us have the effect of mitigating local differences and animosities, leading to unity of purpose and the display of vigorous action for the future in the adoption of such measures as may be judged desirable, future good may arise oufc of present evil. A little more public spirit will not be too dearly purchased, even at the cost of a partial and temporary check to the onward career of <. ur wonted advancement in wealth and prosperity. In the meantime, we think, much inconvenience in a commercial point of view might be prevented, or greatly mitigated by the adoption of liberal views and the exercise of a wise forbearance on the part of those in whose hands the control of our monetary affairs is lodged. No commercial man with any pretence to an intelligent perception of the actual condition of the province at the present time, can entertain for a moment any well grounded alarm for the stability of Auckland. The large majority of our business population is comparatively, substantially wealthy, the bona -fide owners of valuable property, representing a much larger amount of capital than has been at; any time embarked in trade. Most of our merchants and professional men are possessed of independent means. Our working population has recently been largely augmented and is become of itself a new source of reproductive industry and wealth to the country. Our mineral resources, which are both rich and extensive, spreading all over the province, are as yet but in the infancy of their development, and need only enterpriser and judicious management to become certainly and speedily the means of unlimited enrichment to all classes of the community. These are no imaginary sources of prosperity. The coal deposits of the North alone guarantee a grand and prosperous future to Auckland, the realisation of which is less a question of time than it is one of energy and activity on the part of the people and Government of this province. Let as not then be intimidated by the apprehensions and forecastings of the weakminded aud fainthearted amongst ourselves, or by the threats of our enemies who now exult in a temporary political triumph over us. Our position at the present moment is one of trial. It were only irresolution or gross mismanagement on our own part that could convert it into one of discomfiture and defeat. "\Ve do not for a moment apprehend this. We know there are here, as elsewhere, individuals who, for personal gain, will take advantage of everything that turns up ; who would not hesitate to tamper with public confidence, if they might hope thereby to promote private ends, but such things are to be met with everywhere. It is for our substantial citizens, our merchants,our bankers, capitalists, and wealthy land owner 3, whose weightier interests, in a large view, are better consulted by the maintenance and defence of public confidence, to set their faces against anything that would cause a panic however slight or temporary a one it might bo. Anything gained by such means would prove poor compensation iu the run lor the depreciation of property it might bring about. Such temporary depreciation could be the only object aimed at by any who would engage in this line of traffic, which in itself proves that a favourable re-action is calculated upon at no distant day. But even here such parties can hardly hope to be ultimately gainers. The depression they would labour to create would, in the first instance, rest upon their own prior possessions, and the inaction in every department of trade that most probably would follow, would eventually work nigh as much evil to themselves as to their victims. .Foreign capitalists amongst us, ignorant of our resources and but partially acquainted with our political or commercial position, may be excused if in the management ot their affairs they act arbitrarily and unadvisedly. These men will be guided by their prejudices and fears, and not by their judgment in any sense, whatever we may say. No such apology, however, can be made for our resident bankers and men of capital. They know how thoroughly solvent this community is. iS o temporary disappointment to "the hoped for settlement of the country in the matter of its native troubles; no paltry triumph to our local rivals brought about, as we well know, by trickery and chicanery, should have any other effect upon them but to arouse them to proper action, to inspire them with energy aud public spirit becoming men occupying the position they hold in the country. The hard-working colonist and honest tradesman look naturally to them for countenance and support at a time like this. To aid these in the prosecution of legitimate trade by all legitimate means is to serve themselves. For, whatever selfish and short-sighted men may think to the contrary, prosperity, to be genuine, must be reciprocal. It grows by. expansion, not by contraction. To be permanent it must be progressive, and can only be secure to the individual where it is possessed and enjoyed by the community at large.