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MONTHLY SUMMARY.

The news of the past mouth, though of a less e.wiiini;, is by no means of a less important cnanu-rer than usual. Instead of doubtful Motorics such as those of Rangiriri, Orakau, and the (r;tte Pah. or brilliant exploits like that nf Te Eanga we have simply to chronicle the results of these and of the silent work iiilt of the policy of the New Zealand ■Assembly, as carried out by responsible ministers, on the mind of the Native people. To predict a general peace at the present moment would be going too far. but slowly and surely the great end is coming silently •iMout. \\*i Tako dreading the effect of the " I'ontiseation Act." which he "saw by the action taken by the New Zealand G-overnment in the \\ aikato was intended to be made no 'lead letter—\V T i Tako, who had insulted Sir George Grey to his face only twelve months before, and spurned liiin when he sued to him to lay down the King movement, receives the visit of the Colonial Minister in it tar diii'urent manner, and gives ill an unqualified submission. At Tauranga, the rebels have lost half their number in the taree principal engagements, Motata, the Gate Pa, and Te Ranga,—and, broken and dispirited, have declared their willingness to submit ; and, at the time we write, the Governor, the Premier, the General, and tne Colonial Secretary, base repaired to Tauranga to receive their submission. Thus |he head and tail of the war party has been op[ieiloli. The rebels in the upper country, hevoitd the advanced frontier line, have been busily engaged in planting for the next reasons campaign, and are now off to l iininaki lor the purpose of ravaging that settlement. The arrangement of terms ot peace, with the Wailcatbs even, would not, our i£:i'_r]i.sli readers must understand, be the nose of! he war. It would only be the close the first act of this terrible drama, the '•losing scene of which must take place in the Province of Taranaki. lucre is much which has lately transpired •'it has hail the effect of inducing the rebel -laoris to regard the return of peace as jiiiji'i; desirable than heretofore, —and this s us expect that the submission of the Y'lii-mga natives w ;n Lie followed, by that of t »y leading tribes of Waikato. The despatch (l the .Secretary of State, Mr. Cardweli, has Jtt u lI ' iU 'slated into Maori, and is thoroughly ""derstood by them. They there see' the po\\er ot Sir George Grey, for evil, circumSjn Jed within narrow bounds. They see wt it is to the Colonial Parliament of New , is U,, !' L " d the Imperial Government looks • ls t ie real unthoritv to devise and work out •' m mes both of future government, and ' "'['T for the past, restrained merely itnm the bounds of justice by the

Imperial ajpnt or its lieutenant in New Zeaaml, who lias power to stay any act which he Knows will be averse to the fair play intended by the Imperial Government, but who has no power to interfere actively in or to reverse the policy, in respect to tho execution ol which he holds as it wero the umpireship between tho colonists on tho one side and tho .Home Government on tie °I*lt''" Maori sees in this altered state ot things a freedom in the future from the thraldom ot the leading stings and swaddling clothes with which the Imperial Government, with the best intentions but with mistaken kindness, have surrounded him. Under equal laws there is little doubt but that a very large remnant of the race may yet be sa\ cd. lo do so, however, peace, whenever concluded, must be only as between a conquering and a thoroughly subjected people. It there lingers the least belief that war, had it been carried on, might have terminated favorably to their side—-the race is lost. A third war will be tho result. That war will, as the limes says, have to be carried on by colonial troops and colonial resources. Our troops few, our resources circumscribed, tho war must become purely one of a guerilla nature and end in extermination. The Imperial Government may save us from this state of tilings by one way and by one only, and that way is in thoroughly subduing the native race—subduing it until, vanquished and dititrrmcil. it. will accept the protection and become also amenable io British law, one people under one Government. Ditalii}-of government lias iailed already and will fail again, even more markedly, if it is persisted in. The Commissioners appointed for the determination of which settlement in Cook's Straits would be most suitable for the future seat of government arrived from Melbourne by the' Claud Hamilton." Having remained some days in this Province, during which time they paid a visit to the "Waikato, they left for Cook's Straits to fullil their vcryridiculous mission. The effect of this removal of the Seat of Government, if, indeed ever carried out, would simply be to cause the political separation of the Northern and Middle islands. Canterbury and Olago are both fine settlements —the first however has almost reached its limits of production, the latter possesses the fearful drawback, of a wretched climate, but compared with tin's Province they cannot be. j The price of Hour during the past month ! lias been lowered £1 per ton and has again risen. Large consignments are however pouring into the Australian Colonies from ; Chilli. There is an immense stock of goods now in Auckland, and, if consignments continue to arrive from home and the colonies in the same ratio, merchandise will be dillieult of sale, and we shall have the surfeit A ictoria experienced a few years ago similarly forced upon us here in .Auckland. In our reprints of some of the articles published in the llkhai.d during the past month, will be found a refutation of fhe misrepresentations of Mr. Gorst. That gentleman may pass in [England for a man skilled in the interpretation of the feelings of the native race, and imbued with a thorough knowledge of colonial affairs, native and political. Let our English readers judge of him from the following extract on the letter of AV. Tamiliana ("Win. Thompson) written to Archdeacon Brown of Tauranga. and enclosed to the Duke of Newcastle by Sir George Grey. The second reason for rebellion given by Thompson is " The Governor persisting in Mr. Gorst staying as a magistrate in fhe lands of the Maoris. I said to Mr. Gorst, Go back; the Jlaori-s do not want you." A considerable amount of feeling has been created in Auckland by the announcement that the Imperial Government had arrived at the conclusion of withdrawingduring the next year the whole of the troops now in New Zealand, with the exception ot the IStli regt., unless indeed tho colonists were willing to pay at the rate of £40 for each soldier, annually. It is felt and justly so, that the war lias been one of the Imperial Government's own provoking, carried on for the Imperial object of crushing out rebellion against the supremacy of the Queen, arcbellion brought about by r the neglect of the British Parliament in providing government for a people whom they had taken under their special charge, and for whom they had specifically agreed to provide both laws and government." Not only did the Imperial Government neglect to fulfil its duty towards the Maori race, but it carefully excluded the colony from doing that which itself neglected to do, and never handed over to the New Zealand Assembly the management of the native race until it had first made war inevitable. The quarrel, then, must be fought out by British troops at the Imperial expense, and the colonists have a right to demand that their country shall be placed in their hands, when the troops arc withdrawn, in such a state that no dangerously slumbering seeds of rebellion are left in the native mind, no means remaining by which such feeling might be expressed by a show of open and native hostility. The natives must be not only subdued but disarmed, and so subdued as to be willing to be recieved within the pale ot British law. Of course the British Government may withdraw the troops, and we, having no money to pay for their services, may be left to make the best we can of our position. Our natural resort, should the natives again rise in insurrection, and nothing is more certain than that they will do so, if we are hurried, by the threatened withdrawal of the troops, into a hollow unsatisfactory peace— our resort will then be to invite the free lances of the world, offering them the land of the conquered as the inheritance of their labour and the pledge of our safety. _ Would it not be more fitting the dignity of a great country like England to maintain an army ill New Zealand to-finish the work which' she has herself begun, than to do the same thing to prevent the colonists from protecting themselves, or quietly to acquiesce in what would really be the extermination of the Maori race. The settlement of the confiscated rebel country has already commenced, the lands are being laid of]' for the Waikato Militia, and Ngaruawahia, the seat of Maori royalty, will btTput up to auction in quarter acre lots on the 9th of Sept. Until the receipt of the Cardweli despatch Sir George Grey was linn on his opposition to the settlement of tho rebel country. He has found out, howover, that he will not be supported in his extreme measures by the Home Government, and SO colonization'a-ml civilization proceed, to the chagrin of the discomfited party who j

have been bitter and uncompromising haters of their fellow colonists. Sir George Grey left on Saturday last in tho ' Sandlly,' not for Tauranga, as was stated, but for the Kawau. On the :3rd inst. the 'Miranda' took down LieuteuantGencral Sir Duncan Cameron to' the Kawau, and the General having been joined there by the Governor, they will proceed together in the ' Miranda ' to Tauranga. where they will be met by two members of the Government, the Premier and the Colonial Secretary, and the whole party will, it is to be hoped, receive the submission of the Tauranga natives. The principal local events of the month will be found under their respective headings in the pages of to-days issue of this journal. Our eotcmporary tho JSew Zeal cut <h>r of yesterday morning contains a critique on a work published in England by Mr. .T. E. Gorst, of "Waikato notoriety, entitled "The Maori .King," or " The Story of our Quarrel witli the Natives of New Zealand."—Our quarrel, indeed ! we have yet to learn that this is the case. "We have been used to believe that the quarrel is more properly said to belong to the aggressor rather than to those on whom the aggression is made. It the very title of tin: book however did not lead us to expect a one-sided view of the case in its pages, Mr. .1. E. Gorst's wellknown antecedents in New Zealand—the soreness arising from the failure of his attempts to influence the native mind for good, though aided in every way by the Governor and the General Assembly—his bitter hostility against the settlers, and the supercilious hauteur which he always displayed when here, would have led us to this supposition. Nor should we have been deceived. Our cotemporary remarks, with a feeling of pride and exultation, that it is to the publication of this work of Mr. Gorst that we owe, in a great measure, the tone assumed towards us by the Imperial Government at the time of the departure of the last mail. We do not doubt it at all, but can only regret that it should happen that the untruthful narrative of a man of literary weight, upon the spot, should bo able to prevail against truth, which has the disadvantage of distance and therefore of comparative obscurity. We have not at the present moment time to discuss the remarks of Mr. Gorst as 1 hey appear in full in the columns of the 2Teu> '/ealander of the 12th ultimo, and will therefore confine our attention at the present time to the following sweeping accusations made by Mr. Gorst against the colonists:— I must observe, in conclusion, that if this book is considered to have at any rale made out a jirinui j'acie case for inquiry into the relationship bet ween the rival races in New Zealand, that inquiry must bo made by | some commissi oner whose well-known ability will command respect both at home and in the colony, and who has no interest to serve by his decision. Such a commissioner would have to collect evidence in the native districts themselves, and not content himself with European or second-hand native testimony in Auckland. 1 shall have failed in one of my chief objects ill writing this book, if 1 had not convinced the reader that the Maori view of this colonial question is worthy of attention. The jMaori story can only be got in fail from the .Maoris themselves. Government otlicers in native districts know well enough what sort of reports will procure them favour with their superiors, and they are insensibly led into recording that part of tho truth which they know will be well received. When these reports get to Auckland, they arc subjected to a silting process by the Colonial Government. I have known disagreeable reports accidentally mislaid : and since, in printing for the Assembly, or forwarding to the Colonial Olltee, some selection must be made, of course that selection is not unfavourable to the Colonial Government. Original documents are sent home avowedly to illustrate tho conclusions advocated in tho despatches. The colonial l'rt ss is very careful about the information sent in its monthly summaries to England, and few- facts unfavourable to tho colonists are likely to come in that way to British ears. Letters to colonial newspapers are sometimes altered bv the Editor, and facts published during the month suppressed in the summary sent home, for fear of the effect which those letters and facts, if copied into English newspapers would produce. 1 am informed by men of high standing in New Zealand that, during the last sessim of the Assembly, every man's tongue was tied, by fear of his constituents, from discussing native affairs, and that even the short debates which did occur were ignored by the dishonesty of the reporters. The Press, as well as tho House, seemed to have come to the decision that nothing of the past need be inquired into, or even recorded. I am thus justified in saying that tho whole truth, if it is ever to bo known at all, can only be obtained by inquiries inado in tho native villages of New Zealand. Like all nostrums manufactured at home for the settlement of the native diflicult.y, this of Mr. Gorst presupposes a position of affairs which does not exist, and recommends the administration of a cure which could only be applied were our relations with the natives one of peace, and not as it now is of war -—helium ad untfucm. Would Mr. Gorst himself, even with the ultimate contingency, should he live to enjoy it, of becoming the head' of a vice regal presidency in a native Province —would Mr. Gorst himself, we say, with the recollection of his forcible expulsion by the natives from Waikato—would he undertake to act as a Commissioner and collect evidence from the natives themselves in the rebel native districts. It is one thing to sit down in a student's chair iu England and propound plausible but impracticable theories for the introduction of l; Now Institutions" into native districts in New Zealand —anotherthing entirely to carry j them out in practise, as none know better than Mr. Gorst does himself. AVe are not, of course, prepared to rebut the charges made by Mr. Gorst against the Government officials in native districts, and against the Colonial Government itself, but the accusation is of so sweeping and iiuliscriminating a nature that it must lay itseif at once open to suspicion, even at home, while wc in New Zealand, who knew Mr. Gorst, his motives, his political failures, and his bitter prejudices against individuals and against class, would require nothing less than a definite charge, which might, form matter of enquiry, ere we could jjfive credence to his mere unsupported utterance of a bare accusation. On the charge contained in tho latter part of the extract which wo republish to-day, we are, however, in a position to express a more distinct opinion,—and we must at once declare that Mr. Gorst is not only stilting that which is false, but that he must, from his experience of Auckland, and his slight connection with the press, have been perfectly aware, when he made this charge, that it was not simply an exaggerated but actually an untruthful one. We regret to be obliged to declare as much, but the shame is with him who takes advantage of position and distance to bear false-witness against his neighbour for that neighbour's hurt, and we are in that place which demands of us that we should speak the truth, come what may.

It is not true that the colonial Press sup-; presses in its monthly sumaries for England all facts that would tell against the.colonists at home. Such unanimity of leeling does not pervade the numberless journals published in this colony. On the contrary, the strong party-feeling which prevails, renders it morally certain that, what any one paper might wish to suppress, another would publish with the ulmost display, and this beiii" - known is of itself sufficient to prevent that] which would be felt to be Useless, from being attempted. It is quite true that letters to colonial newspapers are sometimes altered—a very necessary operation, as any one would say who could wade through our liles of original documents. Mr. Gorst was himself an anonymous writer to the JS T ew 'Lealandcr when here —anonymous in every sense ; for neither editor nor publisher knew the name of the author. Assertions incorrect and unauthenticatcd contained in his letters,were very properly alteredand suppressed, and 011 this we suppose Mr. Gorst founds this slight charge. The assertion "that during the last Assembly every man's tongue was tied, by fear of his constituents, from discussing native affairs" is, we need not tell our Auckland readers, entirely false. For those, however, at a distance, it is necessary that this assertion should be denied. A reference to the debates of the last Session will prove that native affairs were the principle topic discussed. Southern members did not hesitate to complain, as they often had occasion to complain before, that the whole business of Ihe country was brought to a stand-still by the increasing and unfair proportion of attention given to native matters, and that the Assembly of New Zealand rather resembled a Maori runanga than a house of Parliament. Even had one man been tongue-tied in that house, whose heart was bursting to condemn the policy of the government and to give utterance on behalf of the Maoris who were then daily murdering his fellow colonists, had such a man not dared fo speak, urged by fear of his constituents, had he not dared to say what he thought, or dared not to vote against the opinion of the colony and his constituents, and had he on more than one occasion left the House before the division was called—whose would have been the shame? not his constituent's, but his own. Such, however, was not the case. The members of the Philo Maori party were not tongue-tied. 3\lr: George Graham was assuredly not tongue-tied when he stood up, and kept the house in roars of laughter, for more than an hour, with his descriptions of Maori wrongs, Maori virtues, and his ideas upon native matters in general. Other members, .the few that there were 011 that side of the question, spoke and voted boldly enough, so also did they in flic Legislative Council —and the people of Auckland, the members themselves, will bear us out in our assertion that the charge of gagging the assembly is false and ridiculous. The charge against the reporters of the Press is equally false. A\ r e must, do our cotemporary the Cross the justice to say, that his reports of the debates which took place at the last session of the Assembly were full and correct. Our own were imperfect for we but started into existence during the commencement of the session and with a small staff. The charge of dishonest reporting is such as cannot be substantiated. This work of Mr. Gorst, appearing at any time, would be productive of injury to the colony, but more especially at the time it did. Many will ask what; motive its author could have had in dressing up a story to damage men whom distance had placed out of the way of his enmity. We do not think that it was his own discomfiture as a "Waikato Commissioner, although it must, doubtless, have been galling for him to have felt that: he, a commissioner appointed to work out the introduction of the new institutions of Sir George Grey in the "Waikato, should actually have been the cause of precipitating the present war upon the colony —we do not think that this was the cause of his taking up his pen, but are rather of opinion that he was actuated by the more selfish and tinworthy motive of aiming at becoming the Governor of one of the Maori Provinces, the establishment of which lie recommends to the Imperial Government. A man more universally despised by the natives themselves than Mr. Gorst was never sent in an oflicial capacity amongst them. Despised by the natives, held in contempt by the colonists whom he has slandered, no man could be more unfitted for the appointment at which he aims than Mr. Gorst.—July IU. It is with great satisfaction that we find one of the most important of the English Quarterlies, the Westminster Review, calmly and temperately discussing the aspect of affairs in the Northern Island of New Zealand, and fairly and impartially enquiring into the causes which have led to the present state of things. The article in question, which occupies some fifty pages of the lieview, and part of which we give in our issue of to-day, enters into a concise but clear exposition of the relations between the Europeans and the natives from a period antecedent even to the signing of the Treaty of \Vaitangi down to the abandonment of the "Waitara by Sir George Grey. AVe do not say that we entirely agree with all the' opinions of the writer ; for we cannot, for instance, see with him, that any share of credit is due to Sir George Grey for this particular act ofweakness, but we are bound to say that, on the whole, the article is written in a spirit of fairness and justice, and written by a man well acquainted with the subject on which he writes. Indeed the authorship is clear enough to us,—the style, the ability, the thorough knowledge of the subject, betray the fact that the article is from the pen of Mr. Hugh Carlcton, now in England. Our reviewer speaks truly of the Treaty of Waitangi when lie says— " The meaning of this the natives assur- " edly did not understand; nor would the}' "ever have agreed to it had they perceived " all the bearings of the demand. The sti- " pulalion was for the exclusive right of " buying all the land; and in effect, " t hough not in words, at whatever price " the Government chose to give, and at " whatever time they found it convenient to " purchase. No such consequence could be " drawn from the corresponding words in " the Maori version of the treaty, which, " literally translated, are ' shall surrender "to the Queen the "purchase of those por- " tjons of ground as agreeable to any person

" being the proprietor of such land.' They " were led to believe that the Crown was to " have the option of purchase; in their own " language, the hokonga; not that they should " be debarred from selling at all, if the Go- " vernment, as actually happened, was short " of funds to buy with ; or that the Crown, " being sole bidder, should have power to fix " the price, and be thus enabled to acquire extensive tracts at the rate of a mite an *' acre, to be presently retailed at from £1 "to £1,600." Erom this point the writer traces that distrust of the Government that has since ripened into the present rebellion. The position in which the Governor was thus placed, of being the monster land shark of New Zealand, was not one to raise himself, or the power he represented, in the eyes of a warlike people such as the Maoris, and when we consider that this right of monopoly was obtained from the natives by a trick practised on their credulity and confidence, we can understand the irritation that it would cause. The alleged motive for the assumption of this monopoly by the Government has been, as stated by the writer of the article in the review, and, as he shows, without just need. " It was said, and believed by those un- " acquainted with the country, that Euro- " peans, if allowed to purchase directly from " the natives, would take advantage of their " inexperience, and succeed in despoiling " them of their possessions for a nominal "consideration. The plea fell into disuse; " for it was soon discovered that a native " could hold his own in a bargain against the " smartest European. All he needed was an " open market, in which to get the best price " ho could for himself; but this was the very "advantage denied him by the Govern-, m ent. ] If, however, the Government behaved | badly to the natives, it behaved with equal injustice to the settlers. Auckland was started as a rival to Wellington, and declared the capital of New Zealand, and the Government, fo give an artificial value to the land, brought less than was required into the market at one time, and succeeded in obtaining for town allotments from £300 to £I,GOO per acre. This dissatisfied the natives, and still more the Europeans, for the land fund so raised was not, a.s the Heviewer too truly says, set apart and strictly reserved for its legitimate purposes—immigration, roads, &c. — " but •'was treated as ordinary revenue, not as capital to be made reproductive, but as in- " come, to be swallowed np by salaries and " departmental expenses." Then, as is shown, having acquired the monopoly of the land by a trick from the natives, the Government waged war against the settlers who had prcviouxli/ acquired lands from the natives, and propounded the following law, which it carried by weight of its own authority : —That fhe land did not belong to the native who had sold it to the European, nor to the European who had purchased it from the native, but became vested in sonie territorial limbo which was styled the " demesne" of the Crown. It was the old tale of the lawyer and the oyster, who handed either shell fo plaintiff and defendant, swallowing the oyster if self. The effect of this conduct on the minds of the natives, is thus spoken of by the writer in the Review : — " But a dangerous efi'cct was produced on " the minds of flic natives. Unable to appre- " ciafe the subtleties of legal distinctions, " fhey regarded with a jealous eye the expro- " priation of those to whom they had sold " land in favour of a new authority which " had never purchased. They could sec " nothing in it but an arbitrary act of vio- " lencc. ' If the Queen,' said they, 'treats " her own children so, how will she treat "us?'" It has been too much the pract ice since the war department of New Zealand became a burden on the Home Government to ascribe the dissatisfaction existing in the Maori mind against llie joint occupation of this country by Europeans and themselves, to the unjust manner in which they have been treated by the settlers. Interested persons in the colony have taken up the,errand the Philo-Maori party have echoed it again and again, until constant iteration in the ear of the British public has almost gained implicit credence in its belief. It is pleasing to find an able writer, at such a juncture as the present, stepping forward to exonerate the settlers, and to saddle the blame on the right shoulders—and this lie docs clearly and succinctly. An eye witness to the history of New Zealand affairs as they occurred, taking part in them as a public' man ancl legislator himself, and being in' some measure one of the Philo-Maori party in his admiration of the native character and race, and allied to the great missionary interest —more valuable testimony in favour of the settlers could not have been adduced.' On the subject of the double form of Government hitherto existing, the assumption of exclusive responsibility in Native affairs by the Governor —this writer holds just opinions—opinions which the present state of ] affairs fully proves to be correct. ■ " It does j " not seem to have been perceived in Eng- " land any more than it was in the Colony, " at the time, that the,do.uble government' " must inevitably-break down," and lie proceeds to give the. following excellent reasons why it should do so. "For the reservation of such power to the " Governor was, in point of fact, reservation " to the native office, generally composed of " officials whoso main qualification was flu- " ency in speaking the Maori,language .; but "who (to borrow an expression,current in the colony) worshipped Diana of the Ephe- " siaus, treating Maori matters as a mystery, ''understood only by themselves ; who could ■" not look forward with complacency to an " abrogation of their craft, or to a fusion of " duties which would take away exclusive " power from themselves ; and who might be '' expected to resent any attempt by the ''colonists to amend the administration of ''native affairs .as an intrusion /upon tlieir " prerogative." , . . , ; And now the writer takes up tv point of primary importance, to the .colonists.. ,lle shows that not they, from the-time they; received Constitutional:: Government, but ,the Imperal Government are responsible for. the Inches of all previous administrations.. It was the Imperial Government and not the colonists who still left the Maories; to .live in the same state ot : lawless; anarchy andconfusion in which they had lived as .much since the treaty of "Waitangi as tlipy had. done before it. The colonists, were.anxious. to enact fitting laws for the determination of questions relating to the territorial rights

of the natives. This point was the keystone of the arcli. which could be the onlyfoundation • for. - law : and order in native districts. Tlie House of Assembly -took the matter resolutely in hand. They found nothing done by the Governors as a superstructure on which to work: "nothing done for the native " race beyond the appointment of some resident magistrates, whoseprincipal employment " was in settling small debts and in the sub- " sidising some missionary schools, useful so v " far as they -went, but whose teaching .did " not reach the masses." For the purpose'of performing a .duty which the Imperal government had left undone the Assembly passed five acts " for the constitution and regulation ' • "of native districts, for the administration .'of' ' " justice in those districts—for the support and maintenance of native schools—for the " colonisation, of mixed settlements —and for . the recognition of aboriginal title to land " in such a manner as to give to individual ' '■ natives, under conditions, the rights inci- " dent to landed property, including though " to a limited extent, that of selling to the " best bidder." The Territorial Bights .Bill, however, on which all the rest liuug was disallowed by the Queen on the representation of the Governor. The disallowance of this Bill rendered the other Acts a dead letter, and to use the words of the Beview. "The " attempt of the colonists to provide effe- " dual government for the Maori was "baulked; the Native Office reigned sup"reme." This is putting the matter in its true I light so that all who run may read, and renders of still more weight the assertion made by this same writer, when speaking of the high character of the earlier settlers of New Zealand, that all that the Home Government need have done to secure for the natives justice and tlieir rights as British subjects was to have handed the management of them over to the colony. It'has ■ since done so, but alas, not until the vagaries of Eitzroy and the weaknesses arid-truckling ! measures of Grey, have rendered them suspicious of the European and his inten- . tions, have rendered him mean and contem- . I tible, treacherous and overreaching in theireyes. One by one, link by link, the chains of events which brought about the present struggle has been wrought by the • Imperial Government and its lieutenants, and as surely as it is sought to institute . this double form of government again so surely will the horrors' of the Indian Rebellion be thrust upon this Island at no distant date, unless indeed the Imperial Government be willing to : maintain a standing army of 15,000 men in New Zealand. . - : The review passes on to the discussion of the W'aitara Question, with which we have no inclination to trouble our readers. No new.light is thrown upon .this subject—and we Lave republished in full the after remarks contained in the article, when the:writer sums up the whole, and forms his opinion on the present state of the colony since the battle of.' Bangiriri. "We recommend its careful persual to our readers.—July 14.

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Bibliographic details

New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 229, 6 August 1864, Page 5

Word Count
5,667

MONTHLY SUMMARY. New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 229, 6 August 1864, Page 5

MONTHLY SUMMARY. New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 229, 6 August 1864, Page 5