THE PROSPECTS OF ENGLAND IN 1861.

New Zealander, Volume XVII, Issue 1569, 1 May 1861, Page 6

THE PROSPECTS OF ENGLAND IN 1861.

AVe cannot, wc confess, look with any feeling of security or satisfaction on the prospects of the new year. We are told that there has been no time of late in which this country was further removed from the chances of war; but, were this the case, wc should still be forced to remember our great dependence on the common tranquillity. This, however, is nor. all. There arc questions likely to arise in which such a Power as Great Britain cannot remain quiescent, in which to defer action by any pusillanimity for a day, is ro incur a double debt that must be paid on the morrow.

With all cur antipathy to the dull, sordid, bigoted despotism of Austria, we cannot but own that Europe is not in a condition at this moment to replace its power by any other. The want of active patriotism in Germany, the miserable interposition of the many petty interests of its Lilliputian Sovereignties, forbid the hope of the great united Fatherland which is necessary to keep the peace on the border of the llhine. The union may be effected, but the only lesson which Monarchs and peoples alike refuse to learn is to do what must be done in time. France stands ready with Sits great homogeneous power. England is propitiated and amused by comparatively miner concessions, such as the commercial treaty, and with handsome and welcome compliments, such as the abolition of passports, while Savoy and Nice arc consolidated in the already over-strong dominion, and the key positions of Italy, Rome and Gaeta, are botlr virtually French garrisons. In estimating the chances of keeping the ambition of the French within reasonable and endurable bounds, it is impossible to forget the disruption of the Great American Republic. The “ young giant” cannot be dislimbed and reduced to a helpless mass, without making a change in more destinies than his own. The Power that in expectation was to lead the world, and whose growth gave warrant for the boast, cannot be split up into helpless fractions without deranging till the calculations of politics. And whether the actual separation of the States take place, or whether they keep together in uncertain and undependable society, as an unit acting upon the counsels of foreign Powers the decrepitude is almost as fatal to its influence as the seperatiou. At the very extremity of need, the American Republic might never have helped the cause of freedom and national independence in the Old World. Rut the great power was always there, might be exerted if that were the choice of the people, and must always be taken into very respectful consideration in casting the horoscope of future events. The most covetous ambition must reckon with such a possible opponent. Put America aside, and Great Britain and France remain the champions of the world, a quality which is for the good of neither. We have felt the necessity of these remarks in reading the last telegram, which lias reference to the sending of arms from Sardinia to Hungary by the Danube. The two vessels stopped at Galatz tire said to have contained 12 rilled cannon, Id,ooo muskets, ammunition and gunpowder, as part of their cargo. Such a supply, sent only as a portion of the preparations, indicates a very formidable power in the senders. It looks as if noconcession whatever to the Hungarians wore expected to satisfy them, or as if no fit concessions from the Emperor could be expected, or would be relied on when given. The greatest danger of Europe is in the convicted falsehood of the Austrian Government, in the proved treacheries of the House of Hapshurg. It is paying the penalty of its traitorous frauds. There is hardly any pledge that it can give which its own subjects can accept. From Vienna the accounts would appear hopeful, hut for this one absence of trust. Deak and Eotvos appear satisfied with the amount of what is promised. Will their fellow-citizens rest on any assurance that what is promised will be realised? This country has no right to complain of the Hungarians, to interpose with a word or a wish against their ensuring to themselves till they think fit to demand in their own way. We have done nothing for them ; we have in no wise interfered to maintain their rights against the intervention of Russia, when the domestic oppressor was utterly defeated. But we have very much to look for on our own account. Europe is in a course of reconstruction. Napoleon is making his ground quite secure. He is aggrandising his empire when all others are crumbling. It may be well for sciolists to laugh at the “ balance of power” as an unmeaning mystery; but the world will soon be taught that it is no such thing, it one great Continental nation is in a position to wreak its will unchecked upon all its neighbours, or if a commercial, peace-loving country like this has to meet every move of its powerful neighbour by a threat of war, or to submit to gradual infringements, till in the end it. finds itself compelled to fight at disadvantage. Napoleon is doing all he cares to do in the most plausible manner; his silken glove is extended to us till he can safely and surely withdraw it from the iron hand.

Our diplomacy ought to he at work at \ ienna. England ought to insist on the sale of Venetia and the honest pacification of Hungary. Let the present state of uncertainty and irritation continue and Europe must be convulsed from one end to the other. Then, indeed, we may have the excitement of the grandest struggle that humanity has ever beheld, the uprising of civilised man to claim the full rights of his destiny. But the future will be war, war, war, with all its sacrifices and all its sufferings, intensified, perhaps, as they never yet have been ; and the satisfaction will be for many a victory of martyrdom, in which they will have to glory in the good they leave to others, not in that which they are themselves allowed to enjoy. It would be a want of candour not to suggest one motive that occurs to us as possible for Napoleon’s obstinate prolongation of Italian miseries by the help of his fleet to Francis the Second, ft may be that he hopes, bv keeping this sore open, to disable Italy from attacking the Austrians in Venetia in the spring. Jf he is all that his advocates would represent him to he, he may be striving, at this fearful price, to extend the time for a peaceful settlement, and so to prevent a greater slaughter by the continuance of many wrongs and miseries. Jf it be so, we see only a want of directness and magnanimity in such a policy, a substitution of poor and cruel expedients for great and honourable stateinanship. But the very last of the Powers that should consent to such a course is the very one that such policy would pretend to help. Austria can, least of all States, afford to erect Napoleon into an European arbiter, and submit to bis capricious or interested patronage. The condition of such a respite is vassalage. When Lord John Russell spoke in the Commons of the necessity of seeking other alliances than that of France, no doubt he gave the cue to the French Emperor. That personage would immediately set to work to destroy the possibility of the hinted combinations ; and ids lirst. move would be to break up the Austrian Empire, or to become its absolute master, lie is giving present help at the cost of future prostration. Ho will postpone the restoration of Venice to Italy, if be may finally be acknovvlei Iged the master of Europe. It is for Austria to settle her own affairs, and speedily, and so to save what may be Fit to her lor herself. With regard to England, we need scarcely add :i word. If Napoleon re-establishes the “ Grande Nation” in any form, open or disguised, this country has, sooner or later, the work of the beginning of the century to do ever again, or it must succumb altogether to its rival.

The speech of the new King of Prussia is manly, though, to our ears, hardly distinct enough. William V. admits that all things have not been done as thev

should have been, and, wc presume, indicates thereby the abolition of the scandalous police tyrannies. He has evidently not the gift of expressing himself so as to mark a policy by a phrase. But, in this respect, he only shares the absolute lack of genius evident throughout entire Germany, We heartily join in the appeal to him not to use the influence he has in the Confederation to provoke war with Denmark. It is the work of an idiot to complicate the disputes of Europe by a petty quarrel with a gallant little State, which has all the sympathies of foreign nations on its side. There is difficulty enough in unravelling the course of prudent action, so as neither to compromise liberty nor to assist the views of selfish ambition. For the Prussian King and Ids Ministers to offer the chance of interference in a doubtful quarrel is a calamity that Germany or Europe in general needs not to have added to its embarrassments.— Despatch.