THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.

North Otago Times, Volume CV, Issue 13931, 13 July 1917, Page 2

THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT.

REVIEW BY SIR JOHN HHDLAI KJJMBER FOII ITAWKE'S BAY DE- ' FINES ins POSITION. (By Teicgraph.—Special to "Times.'.') WELLINGTON, July 12.

During the course of his speech in the House last night on the Addrcss-iii-Itcply, after referring to the formation of the National Cabinet and the fusion of the two main parties in New Zealand politics, who had determined that party differences 'should disappear in the crucible of war, Sir John Findlay proceeded to define his own position in relation to the National Cabinet. He stressed firstly the point that the National Government (as in the case of an Elective Executive) was liable to be turned out of oflice by no defeat of its measures; was exposed to no party attach; nor was it imperilled by any chance divisions, Continuing, Sir John said he stood for, and was elected a supporter of, the present National Government, but he had made it plain on the various platforms that, while he would support the present National Government, the fact that party warfare was in abeyance permitted a larger measure of freedom in criticising, and if need be in resisting, any measures brought down by the Ministry; that, in the absence of any regular, recognised Opposition, each private member was free to discharge the function of an Opposition in fair and helpful criticism, and that he re-' served to himself the fullest freedom to point out tho blunders of the Government, ami suggest what sccmcil to him proper remedies, not in any spirit of carping fault-finding, but in a spirit of courageous candour. Hence, the position he took was that while he would support nothing that really amounted to a no-confidence motion moved for the purpose of ejecting the present Ministers from cfliec, he held himself perfectly free to tell the Government plainly the mistakes they were making; to resist any measure introduced which, in his opinion, was not calculated to promote the great'purpose-of winning the war; and to assist in forcing upon the Government, if necessary, the measures which lie believed would- best achieve that purpose. Should the Government decide to regard any particular measure it introduced "as one which, if defeated, would be tantamount to a vote of no-conlidencc, then that is their business, Such an attitude would,"Sir John j contended, be inconsistent with the very I basis of a National Government.' To illustrate his point (lie speaker said that I if the present Government brought in a i measure dealing with the licensing quei--1 lion during the war, and should declare • (what he hoped was unthinkable) that ,' it was a policy measure, the rejection of : which would Liu treated as a nn-confi-J deacc motion, no self-rejecting mc-iu- ! ber of the House should be deterred ' i':cm voting against the rejection of ! Ihal measure if he did not approve of I it. Hence his attitude now was the i same as defined when he was on the j hustings: which was to vote with the Goveranieu! on anything that really ' amounted to a uo-confideuce motion, but I lo cppc:v the Government's measures when, and if he considered, them detrimental lo or insufficiently helpful towards the cardinal purpose of winning the war.

After thus clearly defining his position, f:ir John aiimil-ti'il that the Cabinet hail done splendid work, The Minister of J)c-cnce had laboured with a persistency and tireless devotion to duty which, must'win the admiration of every impartial man. He had borne a burden c!' difficult responsibilities which would have crushed nio3t men. And if lie had failed—as failed he hiust confess he had in many things—it was mainly becaus* lie had only human and not Atlantean

Hioulders. Referring to the administration by the Attorney-General'of his duties in connection with returned soldiers, the speaker said that administration do-

;:rved the approbation it had already received. He deprecated the singling out of any Minister for appreciative recognition. All haihlonc their best, and although their .mistakes had been as thick as dust in vacant chambers, it must lie remembered that their tasks had been novel, numerous, great 'mid intricate,

Referring to the visit to England of the Prime Minister and the Minister for Finance, the speaker said their mission had a greater influence and significance than a superficial view of it disclosed. The insularity of the geographical situation of New. Zealand was apt to beget insularity of thought and sentiment, Whatever widened the outlook and horizon of national sentiment was a national gain. The visit of the Ministers to, and their long day in the Motherland, what they caw and what they said there, were all a powerful stimulus to the growing ideal in New Zealand—that she must not live for herself alone, that her people were one with their kindred in the land of our fathers, and that we must increasingly share the responsibility of our kindred,

Having thus stated his position with regard to the present condition of ■thing.?, Sir John Findlay said- lie felt he would 110t.be misunderstood when he said that the non-party principle was not carried far enough in the House. The purpose-of a National Government had as its main aim the fclccticn of an Administration most capable of facing and solving the comflex problems presented by the present ■,v.ir conditions; all other questions in the selection of, a National Cabinet were subordinate to "the car/linal, test of the efficiency of the man for the work he has to do, Consequently, to form a National Cabinet on the basis jf an equal number of members drawn from each political party was largely to. ignore that test, for it might well l.e that on one side or' : the other .there was a large preponderance of men of conspicuous capacity, some of whom v.'oii'.tf have to-be'excluded to make roonvfor inferior men, chosen on the

party principle, ', Continuing, he said lit (lid not pretend to say whether or not the party basis ujioii which the present 'Cabinet was formed' had notsecured the twelve ablest men in the House; that was a. matter of opinion, ,nii(l lie preferred leaving that to the opinion of the House . lie would go oven further, mid urge the Government to follow Hie example of Kiiglaud, and call to the Executive Council Fome of the ablest men in tho country who were net in Parliament—men who, by special training and natural aptitudes, could bo of immense help to the Government, and who would.doubtless give (heir services gratuitously. The greatest of political philosophers, Edmund Burke, had said: "A Cabinet comprised of isolated individuals "without faith, plighted tic, or common principle, is an Administration constitutionally impotent," Tho essentials of a strong executive were mutual trust, loyal cohesion, and collective courage. Sir John Findlay said further that he desired to impress upon the Government that wiih party conflict eliminated, and Ihe deed of party, discipline removed, there should be a far greater degree cf open frankness between the Government and the House, The complaint he felt entitled to make was that the present National Government took the private members of the 'House too little into I heir confidence, Jf it desired the whole-hearted co-operation oi" private -members it should place these members far more fully than it did at present in possession of all the information which it regarded as a warrant or justification for the measures or methods of administration it sought to pass or pursue. There could be no excuse .for the National Government withholding from the House any information which would assist them in better understanding iis plans, purposes, and policy, except such information as, from considerations of national and imperial safety, must be regarded as secret,

deferring to the almost unprecedented powers that been conferred upon the National Government, provided to promo.e the welfare of the people and the successful 1 prosecution of the war, Sir John said that those powers were of no avail unless they were strenuously exercised. An Act had been passed for the regulation of the price of foods, conferring great powers directly and through Irders-iu-C'ouncil. Not nearly enough had been done under that Act. Tho vitality of all such measures depended, on strenuous courage, guided by prudence; rind the speaker said he was bound to My that one of the outstanding wca | { . nes-es of the present Administration had been a failure to grasp the nettle of its difficulties—a timidity of acion, ninl a policy of marking time, which had gone far to dishearten those who supported the 'principle of a National Administration. If the National Government would secure the first requisite of statesmanship—the confidence of the people—they much show a less tender regard for sectional interests, a tuicr pcin'ptioii uf the need and nature of itiualiiv of sacrilice, and a more courageous and whule-heaned determination to exercise the great powers they have for Hie welfare of the 'people a.; a whole. He exhorted the Government to be strong not only to slight praise, but In suffer scorn, and in such a spirit to rise with its utmost ability and strength to the crying demands of !he hour. Wr John then proceeded to the broad lines which he considered the National Government should pursue if it was to justify its existence. These bioad lines were:—Firstly: A strenuous determination to secure the fullest practical degree of equality of sacrilice among the people. Secondly: To promote in the highest degree National Efficiency. Thirdly: To enforce wisely, but (Irmly, a reasonable measure of National Kcouomy. Fourthly: To provide for the soldier in the field, or discharged from service, well-devised and generously just treatment commensurate with his service and his needs. And, fifthly: An equally generously just provision for soldiers' dependants. Referring to matters of finance, '6\\ John said that in his judgment the Finance Act of 1915 was a rather hastily constructed patchwork of imposts which ignored the best and most effective method of taxation, which was a well devised system of customs duties on imports and exports. The cost of imported goods had, owing to the war, been increased enormously. The speaker said he would not.increase the present primage tax on imports of one per cent, but he would impose a tax of, ray, five per cent on exports. If necessary, the amount of the export tax on our products might be fixed in sonic proportion to the extent to which the war had enhanced the price of those products. If five per cent were taken it would bo only a fraction in most cases of thai enhancement'."

Proceeding to refer to the war, Sir John said in less than a month we would have completed the third year of a struggle without precedent in the world' 3 history for bloodshed and bravery on both sides; but also—on the side of Britain and her allies—without precedent for devotion to glorious ideals and for magnificent sacrifice for their sake. Europe had been converted into a great Continental shambles. Conventions, laws, institutions and political creeds had been plunged into the seething melting-pot of. this gigantic eonllagrution, and we were privileged to take part in shaping the form a which Ihey should emerge from their liquifactioii. There never was a time when the call for sagacious, clear-headed and fearIces statesmanship was more urgent. Tims upon the National Cabinet rested in .these ([ays the burden and the duty,, unprecedented in weight and complexity, of using the power of all for some equality of protection and benefit for each, It could be seen how that benefit was threatened by rings, combines and monopolies whose strength, ingenuity and wealth, no control could adequately check save thaj? of the State.., Meat trusts, shipping company mergers, merchants' associations threatened to batten- on the people, who were stretching imploring amis to the fio'venimi'i't I'm protection, Prudent State action must

not be paralysed by any Governmental fear of or favour for those powerful organisations. Would the rcprescntaHvcs of the people-here,; of pergonal political advantage or friendships, rise to the call of the hour, nud join with the Government in stronger and more.alert control of the potent, (and skilfully concealed) monopoly agencies which were to-day operating in New •Zealand against the vital interests of the people? Jf the Government would not seel; that control—if they contented themselves with proclaiming as regards this country that "all in the .garden ia lovely," the most thoughtful men perceived that pests, cankers and snakes were affecting it—would the representatives of the people unite to reuse the Government to a truer perception of the facts, and a keener sense of their duty? ■Not only at the present was the National Government on its trial: indirectly Party Government itself was on its trial. It had been the hope ami belief of those who favoured an Elective Executive that it would put an end, to all the evils of party. Whatever could be said to the contrary, time and experience had demonstrated that theparty system inevitably puts the interests and the existence of party above the best interests of the State. And, while it did that, it contrived to hide the fact by reiterated professions of lofty patriotism. Thus the party system made for humbug and false pretence—for make-shift legislation and corrupt administration. National welfare tended to get subordinated to the paramount party, objects of oilicc, of safety and of party advantage. There could be no doubt that the people in this country distrusted both parties. They regarded their professions and their policies with suspicion, and were apt to conclude that genuine sincerity found no place in public life. Fear of powerful sectional and vested interests, fear of exposing themselves to successful Opposition attack, fear of taking a bold legislative or administrative step which might bring party detriment or disaster—fear, in short, for their political skins—had." too often in New Zealand made a Government timid, halting opportunists, without strong initiative, courageous administration, or collective backbone. Today New Zealand had in ollice what was really an Executive Government. In conclusion, Kir John urged the Government to rise to its great opportunities, and prove to the country that a National Government would be a permanent national blessing in New Zealand. Jn the conduct and record of this National -Government the old party system was on its trial. And it rested with the Government to decide what the verdict of the people would be.