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EX-KING CONSTANTINE.

At the beginning of last month Constantino was King of Greece; to-day M >B'little more than a fugitive, without a crown and without a country, His oldest'son and heir has been passed over, a'lul he too has gone into exile with his fatlier, who. will likely seek solace in .the.country of his evil genius, his brother-in-law, the Kaiser. In the .countries of the Allies there will surely /be few, if any, tears of sorrow at the .fall of this monareh—if the title is applicable to one who has done so much . to. drag the honour of a once great country in the dust.. After the second .Balkan war the Greeks had every reason : to feel proud of their royal prince; in that campaign he showed qualities of leadership o'f a very high order and , military abilities which gave promise of a great development should the neoei' 'sary opportunities present themselves. But how have the mighty fallenl A king but yesterday; to-day virtually a fugitive! And the fault? Save himself, he can blame no one. He occupied a throne guaranteed by three of the greatest countries in the world—Britain, Prance, Bussia; his position was as secure as great fleets and great armies could make it/

In the early stages of the war King Constautine spoke fair words to the represijMives of the Allies, and Greece's hearlpnd immediate participation in the struggle seemed certain. Soon, however, there was.evidence of vacillation; quickly it became clear that the king was playing a double game, and that he was acting a treacherous part towards the Allies. His wife's influence apparently warped his sense of right as far as the Allies were concerned. The Kaiser supplied tie music, and Tino, as he was contemptuously called, danced to whatever tune the Arch-Hun choose to play—Greece quickly obedient to every behest of her German masters, and the King acted in all matters on instruction "made in Germany." German emissaries swarmed in all parts of the country; the State departments became honeycombed with those in the pay of the Huns, It is said that money speaks all languages, and German gold told its inevitable tale, people of all classes being seduced from their rightful allegiance by its instrumentality and many erstwhile of strong pro-Ally sympathies somersaulted and became ardent supports of the cause and principles which they had consistently condemned for many years. The King,! although speaking fair words to the Allies, was the head and front of the pro-German faction, whilst M. Venizelos, Europe's greatest statesman, was chief of the pro-Ally party. Here it is unneeesary to folow the fast-moving drama since the war began, but more particularly of the last year, since the events must be fresh in the memory of all readers.

In dealing with this unkingly King the Entente Powers have shown infinite patience, and the public, who, of course, have not been fully conversant with many of the underlying intricacies of the position, have fretted because of the apparent inactivity of our forces. No doubt, however, there have been good and sufficient reasons for every step that has been taken. King Ccnstantine was born in Athens on August 2, 1868, and was educated by private tutors from Germany, who taught him to speak German, French, English, Danish, and Latin. Afterwards he graduated from the Greek Military Academy, and travelled in Germany, Prance, and Denmark, studying military manceuvres. Always in. the forefront of his mind was the possibility of war with Turkey, aud in 1897 it came, The Crown Prince had warned the Minister and his people that the country was "all unprepared for such a conflict, but his admonitions fell on ears deafened by hatred and passion, The Greek army, armed with condemned French Titles, purchased for 8s each, and with

artillery long obsolete, was no match for the Turks. When the war was over, and Greece had been Immilated before the world, the Greeks turned upon the King and Crown Prince, and laid the responsibility for defeat at the door of the Boyal Palace. Constantine was hooted whenever he went into the streets. Only a few years ago the late King was driven from Athens by popular clamour because he had opposed the movement for the annexation of Crete. He shook the dust of Greece from his feet, and went to Petrograd, to take a command

in the Czar's army, but was soon called back, and was received with wild acclaim. He again assumed the leadership of the army, and in the war with Turkey led the forces that captured Salonika. Ex-King Constantine is a brother-in-law, of Emperor William of Germany, Constantine was brought up in the Greek faith, and his wife, Queen Sophia, • renounced the Lutheran religion to aci.'cept that of her husband, This action en the part of the sister aroused the anger of the Kaiser. Constantine is almost a giant in stature, towering well over sis feet. The King and Queen Sophia have five children—Crown Prince George now in his twenty-seventh year; Prince Alexander, twenty-three; Princess Hellene, twenty; Prince Paul, sixteen; and Princess Irene, thirteen. . Few modern monarehs have ascended a throne' enjoying such a wide popularity among their subjects for facing a future so pregnant with possibilities as Constantine. Able, diplomatic, keenly intellectual, related to the most powerful royal houses of Europe, Constantine had the added advantage of youth. To their Konstantines—to give him his 'Greek name— the Hellenes look for the accomplishment and realisation of their centuries-old dream, the restoration of the ancient glories .of the Byzantine Empire. The >last of the Byzantine Imperial house was Constantine XII., and there is a tradition, firmly held by. .the Greeks for generations, that another -Constantine would be raised up as the restorer of the vanished regime. To the blonde Dame, therefore, there opened up a vista that led to an Imperial throne in Constantinople, the Byzantium of the ancients, the linking of the present with

n glorious pas(, and the triumph, of the cross over the present, It is interesting t 0 recall at this stag? the. view' of King Coiistaiifitie during the crisis in. Greece as recently as May Ins,, when his Majesty ''declined - to accept the adivee of M, Venizelos that Greece should enter the war on the side of the Allies, am 1 that statesman resigned, " Greece," the King said to a special correspondent of the United Press of America, "can only abandon her neutrality in the event that her interests may at some future moment demand. The interest of Hellenism as a whole has been the one and only policy of Greece up to the present moment, and the only policy she will continue in (he end.

"In the recent decision of the Crown to the effect, that Greece could not accept (he invitation of the Allies to enter the war at that time, and which resulted in the resignation of my Prime Minister, with Greece situated between two contending blocks of Powers, I have had but one policy and one desire—the future best interests of Hellenism as a whole. The moment was not opportune for Greece to abandon her neutrality, nor would her interests have b;en best served by doing so at that time. Should M, Venizelos later on be returned to power, we will work together harmoniously as before for the common realisation of Greece's national aspirations, which are merely the desire for national unity, to which the Greek people, by reason of their illustrious historical past, believe themselves entitled. It has even been the mission of Greece to carry civilisation to the entire world, and as Greece expands, now and in the future, her capacity for the fulfilment of that mission will be increased."

About the same time a typical antiinterventionist, in the person of M, Zographos, who was Foreign Minister in the Cabinet that succeeded that of M. Venizelos, felt called upon to contradict certain opinions expressed on Greece ami Greek polities in an article iu the Petit Parisien. In this article the writer alluded to the ties between the Courts of Athens and Berlin, and attributed to them the check to M. Yenezilos's policy, Referring to this statement, M. Zographos denied that the Queen, who is the Kaiser's sister, exercised political influence, and said: "As to your criticisms of the staff, they are without any foundation. It may be true that certain generals were hostile to the idea of any campaign taking place immediately, but yen. must forgive me for saying that they are better judges than you as to whether the moment is opportune for demanding a fresh effort from the army which they command. You appear to believe that Greece, who considers that she has the right to choose her hour, has no other aim but to gain time -and to obtain the highest price for her collaboration by waiting until the issue of the struggle becomes more certain. In other words, that we

are waiting for a decision in order to rush to the help of the conqueror. Like M. Venizelos, we know what Greece owes to France. But, above all else, we are Greekn, and the present Government is of opinion that our first consideration must be the interests of Greece. .U Venizelos thinks that it be .scrying Greek interests to plunge our country into war, obtaining an effective alliance with Bulgaria by abandoning in favour of that Tower the district of Kavalla in exchange for certain territories vaguely specified, which would be given to us in Asia Minor in return for our participation in the struggle, His idea may be sound, but it is not mine, I am of opinion that a people should in no circumstances barter its patrimony or voluntarily abandon an inch of its territory.-" The efforts of It. Venizelos have always been directed towards a revival of the Balkan Confederation, which would act on the side of the Allies against the common foe of the smaller States. To smooth the way he proposed to come to an understanding with Bulgaria by ceiling to her Drama, Kavala, and Arishaban, in Macedonia. In return for the cession of an area of 2000 square kilometres, inhabited by 30,000 Greeks, Greece would secure from the Allies in Asia Minor territory amounting in area to 125,000 square kilometres, inhabited by Sofl,ooo Greeks. In order to allay the fears of the General Staff as to the possibility of a Bulgarian attack on Greece, at the close of the' campaign, M. Venizelos suggested that an

agreement should be made with the Entente Powers, safeguarding Greece against a contingency of this kind. M. Yenizelos finally observed that, if negotiations with Bulgaria broke down in consequence of extravagant demands by the latter, the Entente Powers'would none the less be under an obligation to Greece, and this obligation would be a guarantee of future support.

King Constantine signified his approval of these views, and authorised M. Yenizelos to give effect to them. 11. Venizelos, however, decided to await the result of the Bulgarian attempt to Taise a loan on the German and Austria money markets. When a few days later, the conclusion of a loan to Bulgaria was announced, It. Venizelos deemed it inexpedient -to open negotiations with her, and definitely abandoned the project of a Gra'co-Bulgarian agreement.

Shortly afterwards the Entente Powers inquired of the Greek Government whether Greece would be prepared to assist Serbia if Great Britain and France each sent a division of troops to Macedonia, in order to forestall the danger cf an attack by Bulgaria. As the Greek General Staff considered this offer inadequate, the Greek Government was compelled to decline it,

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Bibliographic details

North Otago Times, Volume CV, Issue 13930, 12 July 1917, Page 7

Word Count
1,937

EX-KING CONSTANTINE. North Otago Times, Volume CV, Issue 13930, 12 July 1917, Page 7

EX-KING CONSTANTINE. North Otago Times, Volume CV, Issue 13930, 12 July 1917, Page 7