Latest European Intelligence. NEWS TO 26TH JANUARY. GENERAL SUMMARY. [From the Home News.]

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XX, Issue 28, 30 March 1861, Page 3

Latest European Intelligence. NEWS TO 26TH JANUARY. GENERAL SUMMARY. [From the Home News.]

This winter will be almost as memorable in our annals as that of the Great Frost itself. With a few very slight variations, the severe weather which set in about the middle of December lasted till the middle of January. In those four weeks the mean weekly temperature in London was not higher than 32 p 4j degrees, while it was, in two of those weeks, as low as 25 or 26, the minimum temperature on many occasions being several degress below zero. The mortality was greatly increased in consequence of the extraordinary cold, and even now, although we have had a thaw for the last eight days, the fatal effects of the severe season continue to be apparent. The distress amongst the poor has been appalling. In London, the condition of the frozen-out working-classes, especially during the last fortnight of the great cold, defies description. Notwithstanding the prodigious and constant efforts of the public establishments, and the never-failing channels of private benevolence, it seemed, day after day, as if all hope of alleviation were vain. The streets were hourly thronged with crowds of labourers, loudly soliciting alms from the houses as they passed along ; the police-offices were beset throughout the day by multitudes of starving claimants, and the resources of the workhouses were drained in administering temporary and inadequate relief. There is, no doubt, indeed, as onr readers will readily imagine when they hear that bread-riots had commenced in the East-end of the metropolis, that if the frost had lasted much longer, the most calamitous consequences would have ensued. Nor was the state of matters much better in the provinces. In some districts, such as Coveutry and Nottingham, i' was even worse. This was the dark side of our severe winter. It had also a play-ground side, which was, in its way, not unworthy of note. In Hyde-park, for instance, the Serpentine was frequented by tens of thousands of persons in all grades of life, who sustained the picturesque and hazardous jub ; lee until long after midnight. It had been contemplated to hold a fair on the ice, but the wind having shifted once or twice to the west and south-west, the design was not carried out. A concourse of people, however, quite as numerous as any fair could attract, assembled nightly, and an infinite variety of amusements were devised for their entertainment. Refreshment tents, tavern booths, and all conceivable appliances for the prompt supply of comestibles of every kind, covered a considerable portion of the surface. The number of skaters nightly increased, and was augmented by troops of ladies, who, forming into mimic rifle brigades, executed most brilliant military manoeuvres. Sham fights, animated by brass bands, and enlivened by incessant displays of fireworks, gave to the Scene a striking and singular aspect, not free from serious danger to life and limb. As might be expected, many accidents occurred, but they seemed to stimulate, rather than to check, the wild spirits of the multitude. One of the first incidents in the record of the home news of the month is the effect produced in England by the ratification of the peace with China. The intelligence of the peace was well received by the journals and the public generally. We had not any enthusiastic display of rejoicing, but the heart of the country was cheered by the cessation of hostilities, and the termination, it is to be hoped, not only of bloodshed but of a heavy expenditure. The settlement obtained by Lord Elgin, inadequate as it is to the redemption of our profuse outlay, is considered ample under the circumstances in which he was placed ; and the entire conduct ol the expedition from first to last, from the advance upon Pekin to the destruction of the Summer Palace, has elicited universal admiration and confidence. If there be a point upon which any apprehension is expressed, it is one which neither arms nor diplomacy could provide against. Will the Chinese respect the treaty ? Some people think that an audience of the Emperor should have been insisted upon, as a security against the possibility of a subsequent disavowal of the acts of his representatives. But this objection, if it have any weight at all, is deprived of much of iis force by the precautionary policy of Lord lgin. The presence of the troops on Chinese soil, in occupation of Chinese forts, is a guarantee that the treaty will be duly acknowledged and enforced. The Emperor will hardly venture to violate such solemn obligations, with the prospect of another investment of his capital, to terminate in all human probability in the overthrow of his dynasty. The treaty once put in motion at the ports of the Celestial Empire, under the immediate surveillance of European authorities, will ensure to us nil that any amount of pressure can ensure. For the future, we must trust to the development of Chinese civilization, and our own strict maintenance of good faith and a strong position. The question of the looting of the Summer Palace has brought about a controversy between the French and English journals. It is asserted by the former that General Montauban (who, by the way, has received the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour) has fully vindicated the honour of the French army in his despatch ; but on the other hand it is argued that the despatch shows nothing more than that such objects as were particularly valuable as curiosities were set apart for equal division ; the looting of the bulk of the valuables by the French troops having previously taken place. We cannot, of course, enter into the merits of this controversy. We only chronicle it. We find it asserted, we know not how truly, that General Montauban has himself made by this fortunate prize no less than «650,000.

At the date of our last publication, a forecast of the new year was looked for from Paris. Much anxiety was felt about the annual reception at the Tuileries of the Diplomatic Body ; as well there might be, remembering the ominous words addressed 10 M. Hubner on the ltt January, 1859. This time the Empire it peace. Lord Cowley, by virtue of

seniority, had the pleasant task of expressing the compliments of the season to the Emperor and Empress, in the name of the assembled ministers, and the Emperor graciously responded, assuring the company, in indirect phrases, that he calculated confidently on the preservation of peace. We hope his confidence will not turn out to be misplaced. What are the chances ? There are two dark clouds on the horizon, Rome and Venice. The exact manner in which Rome is likely to fall can be predicted by no man, but it seems to be pretty generally agreed that the crisis of its fate is close at hand. The Pope has pronounced an Allocution in the Sacred Consistory, from which it may be clearly gathered that he looks upon the temporal power of the popedom as having nearly run out its line. He complains of the spread of Protestantism, of the increased circulation of the bible, of the treason of Baden in abolishing the Concordat, of the dim signs of a disposition elsewhere, meaning France, to throw off his authority, and set up a church without him, and of the general decadence of ecclesiastical domination. This confession of weakness is generally regarded as the precusor of dissolution. We do not anticipate that what is called the peace of Europe is likely to be seriously disturbed by any measure which may be taken to absorb Rome into the Italian system ; but unluckily Rome is so intimately mixed up with other Italian questions, Venetia being the most prominent, that it is not safe to found any speculation upon her apart from the rest. If it were Rome alone there would be no difficulty. But the Gordian knot at this moment, not only of Italian, but of continental politics, is Venetia. Reduced to the shortest possible statement, the perplexity is this. Venetia demands to be re-united to her legitimate Italy ; and as the best way of obtaining that result without another war, far more bloody and disastrous than the last, it has been suggested that Austria should sell Venetia "for a consideration." Austria is understood to have deliberated upon this proposition, and to have resolved to reject it should it ever take a formal shape. The reason for this rejection is not altogether territorial ambition. Austria has a position to maintain as the greatest of the German States. The rest of the States, whatever they may think of her internal administration, look to her as the guardian of the southern flank of Germay. To this guardianship the preservation of the Quadrilateral is in the last degree important, and its abandonment is regarded not only by Austria, but by most of the other States, as perilling the security of the whole of Germany. The argument is not irrational. It is an argument of self-defence, and however weak it may appear to those who can sbow stronger reasons for liberating Venetia, it is strong enough to determine Austria not to part with her . Italian province, a determination in which she is sustained by a solemn promise on the part of Prussia and the other German States to support her should France interfere in favour of Italy, in the event of a war. Such are the probabilities of the peace predicted at the Tuileries. Hostilities may be avoided, but at present we cannot see how. Sardinia may possibly be forced by the popular feeling into a declaration of war. In that case, Hungary, already preparing, would instantly rise ; Croatia would follow in the rear of Venice ; and before a month the whole Austrian empire would be in a blaze. We might easily carry the prophetic panorama farther, involve Prussia in the conflict, and imagine a French army collected on the Rhine. Distant as such eventualities may be, they are plainly on the cards.

Meanwhile, the uneasiness whiqh has prevailed throughout Naples and Sicily has menaced gravely, if not the security, at least the repose, of the Sardinian government. The disturbances in the Abruzzi have been formidable, In Naples frequent demonstrations, although always put down by the strong hand, have indicated clearly the discontent of the people ; while in many places the reaction in favour of the Bourbons has, on several occasions, set in with strength and confidence. An armistice was lately entered into at Gaeta, but it terminated on the 19th of January ; and the French fleet has since withdrawn from those waters. If this last proceeding may be regarded as a return to the principle of nonintervention, the struggle in Southern Italy will be brief and decisive. The ex-King of Naples will, doubtless, ere long be shelled out of his last fortress. There are signs abroad, however, which show that the cause of the Bourbon is still looked upon with hope in some quarters. The Pope and the Queen of Spain send provisions to the fortress ; the diplomatic body proceed to Gaeta to congratulate Francis 11. on the anniversary ot his birthday ; and Papal troops have been sent to the Neapolitan frontier for the purpose, it is supposed, of aiding the reactionary movement. This last astounding circumstance has very naturally excited the vigilance of General Goyon, who has demanded an explanation of the Papal government ; M. Merode, however, refusing to make any reply to the demand, General Goyon has referred the matter to his own government. Here is a new complication not unlikely to precipitate important consequences. Francis 11., encouraged by these various exhibitions of sympathy, declines the terms which were offered to him under the armistice. The preparations of the besiegers are advanced so close to the walls that the issue can neither be doubtful nor distant. Prince Carignano, in his proclamation on recently taking charge of the government of Naples, does not hesitate to express his confidence of the result. In prognosticating the events which the next year may bring forth in Italy, it is necessary to take into account Garibaldi, who, in reference to this question, is to be regarded as one of the great Powers of Europe. Garibaldi remains at Caprera. His schemes are still impenetrable. Cavour is understood to dread their temerity, and to have done everything in his power to prevent the great chieftain from precipitating matters. Garibaldi is reported in some quarters to have promised not to act without the consent of Victor Emmanuel ; but this report must be accepted with reserve.

The new King of Prussia has addressed his people in a declaratory proclamation. It is to be regretted that he should deal in generali-

ties, which throw a mist over his policy, instead of speaking plainly at a moment of j such unexampled interest. He will protect the constitution, he will maintain the laws, he will strengthen the military force, and he will combine obedience with freedom. It is not easy to extract a definite Hue of action out of these professions. You may read them backwards and forwards with much the same result. They may mean progress, or they may mean standing still ; or, more likely than either, they may mean that traditional system which is familar with Prussian governments, and which may be described as waiting upon eveuts. It is impossible, however, that in this age Prussia can remain motionless. She must advance, or retrograde. Germany cannot continue a passive spectator of events that peril the safety of her principal power, and throw her frontier into disorder. The year upon which we have just entered will inevitably make a serious demand upon her resources, and compel her to develop a policy of some kind. The position of Prussia amongst the German States gives her a prominence which will place her, possibly, at the head of the movement, especially in reference to France ; and it will then become indispensable that the new King should give the world a practical interpretation of his views. Vague as his proclamation is, we are not disposed to doubt that, when the time comes, he will be found an enlightened supporter of popular progress and national independence. His antecedents are all favourable to such a hope; and although kings in possession are rarely so liberal as kings in prospect, he has as yet committed no overt act that disentitles him to a continuance of that confidence with which he long since inspired the great liberal party of Europe. The expected political amnesty has been proclaimed at Berlin. Its terms are large and comprehensive, and entirely free from ambiguity. The King opened the Chambers on the 14th January, and the main point of his 1 speech referred to the new organization of the army, which he declared to be necessary to the integrity of the German territory. He also stated that negociations were pending between France and the Zollverein with regard to their commercial relations. It is cvi dent that Prussia is preparing for the worst extremity that may arise. We learn by private letters from Berlin that the war estimates for the coming year will very much exceed those of 1860. The intelligence contained in our present number will show that the old question of Denmark and the Duchies has arisen with as great vitality as ever. The Danish government is making enormous preparations, both naval and military.

The dissolution of the American Republic may now be spoken of almost as a fait accompli. The State of South Carolina seceded formally from the Union on the 20th of December; and her example has since been followed by Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida. President Buchanan has determined to make an endeavour to put down the secession movement, and is preparing armaments to defend the property of the government in the abovementioned States, and to enforce the collection of the revenue. At present a hostile collision seems inevitable.

Notwithstanding all our wars and the frightful expenditure under which, like honest Britons, we are groaning and swearing, the revenue tables, made up to the close of 1860, indicate a state of absolutely alarming prosperity. We say alarming, because it almost looks as if the more taxes we paid, and the higher our expenditure, the more we are able to pay, and the higher our income. There is a large increase, both on the quarter and the year, the former upwards of one million, and the latter nearly two. The Chambers of Commerce in the North are preparing to give a grand banquet to Messrs. Gladstone, Cobden, and Gibson, and to invite the French Minister of Commerce to meet them. With such a table of revenue before us, who will Bay the compliment is not well deserved ?