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THE UNITED STATES.

[The Times, February 131h.]

A few nights since Lord Palmcrdton addressed the house on the differences that have arisen with America. In answer to Mr. Cobden's arguments, he gave to the woi'ltl a statement of the rise of the present stale of the dispute, and appealed to his hearers for a justification which will hardly be withheld. With respect to the affairs of Central America, he stated what is well known to be the fact, that the spirit of the treaty concluded was to prevent further acquisition of territory by either of the contracting powers. As England has long possessed a colony of wore ov less importance on this coast, her ministers understood the treaty to refer to the further settlements, and not to those already made. The United States took a different view, and demanded the immediate evacuation of the territory we had fancied secured to us. Here was a difficulty somewhat hard to be overcome ; "but," says Lord Palmerston, "we have offered to refer the matter to arbitration." Whatever may be the general opinion as to the merits of this mode of decision, it at least shows good faith in the party that proposes it, and the declaration of Lord Palmerston was received with applause by an assembly which, while jealous for its own country's dignity, is not unmindful of what is due to the spirit of peace. With equal frankness did the British Premier point out the incidents of the second dispute. We are threatened with a suspension of international relations. The two branches of the Anglo-Saxon race will only correspond officially by meaus of a consul, or, at most, a secretary. Possibly no great harm may arise from a short cessation of diplomatic activity ; but the cause of this mutual interdict, and not the thing itself, is of grave importance. Such an inteirution is generally looked upon as approaching nearly to a state of hostility. In flier, in such a case everything has been done which usually precedes the first irrevocable blow — the great letting-out of the waters of strife. The house then listened with attention to the words of the First Minister. He stated that in the directions for the enlistment in Canada, strict orders were gh en that nothing should be done to infringe the municipal regulations of the States, or violate the laws of the Union. He added, moreover, that when it was found this enlistment might cause offence to the American Government and people, orders were given for its cessation, and this before any remonstrance was received. When official representations were made, complaining of an alleged infringement of American law, the British Government expressed its regret at once, and without reserve. Lord Palmerston thus explicitly stated that his Government first did all that it could to avoid giving offence, and when charged with discourtesy, promptly apologized. This declaration was received with cheers by the British House of Commons. The temper of the Government and the national representatives was fully evinced at this sitting. The feeling of the public we believe to have been exjvessod, ond it fully coincides with that of the ministry and the Commons. A sincere desire for peace, a wish to make any honourable concession, a regret that any alleged act of ours should have caused a difficulty between the two countries, animates all classes, and will determine their future conduct.

Turn now to America. From the Five Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, we believe no thinking American falls to perceive that, if his country be brought into hostilities with our own, the Central American affair and the Ilocruitinjj; Office arc not motives but pretexts. To the few, principally immigrants or children of immigrants, who detest England and look forward to a struggle with satisfaction, we shall not speak. But of the mass of Americans we would ask, whether their Government can disturb the peace of the world in these disputes without incurring the just reprobation of every free nation ? Can it be denied that these matters might be settled at once if it were the wish of one or two men at Washington to settle them ? Can it be denied that even In the President's Cabinet some moderate politicians are overborne by the recklessness of colleagues who wish to gain popularity at the expense of the nation's peace? We believe that the ministers of President Pierce are divided in their convictions and their motives of action. The following is said to be the state of parties. The Attorney-General, Mr. Caleb dishing, has been the leading spirit in these differences. He is said not to object to war, or at least to such an approach to it as may give him popularity and a reputation for high spirit throughout the States. As a law officei* of the Government, his language should have been cautious and his conduct moderate : how far both have fallen short of such an ideal we may judge from the letters bearing his signature thai, have appeared in print. Mr. Gushing has much influence with tho ! President, and they are probably bound together by an identity of political objects, "it is stated that Mr. Mavcy, the Secretary of i State, is Of posed to the. warlike demonstration of his colleague and his chief. If the settlement of these disputes depended on him and the British Minister, matters would not long remain unarranged. The prolonged stay of Mr. Crampton in Washington is said to be due to his moderation. Now, the present state of affairs seems to be, that Mr. Marcy has so far yielded as to join in the despatch of a positive demand for Mr. Crampton' s recall. The President and Attorney-General wished the demand to be categorical, and so to necessitate a rupture, but Mr. Marcy is said to have prevailed so far as to frame it in a manner which will allow of further correspondence. We have thus a proof of the temper which rules the men on whom the destinies of the two nations for the time depend. From this description of affairs, which we believe to be correct, it is impossible not to draw a conclusion in favour of ouv own Government. We are the less reserved in doing so, because the worst that can be said against their own politicians always comes from the lips cf Americans. It is no invention of the British press that senators and secretaiies of state are ready to bring their nation to the brink of war in order to prolong their own power or embarrass their successors. Even the phrase "political capital," which so well expresses what is gained by such courses, is not of English origin. The debate in the

Senate, which was in progress when the last steamer left, will probably be full of the usual invectives against England. The antipathies of the old, and the enthusiasm of the younger speakers, will both find vent in defiance to this country. The American public, we learn, is pretty well aware of what each speaker will say, and we are happy to believe that some of the moat acrimonious will have but little weight. Yet it cannot be doubted that the accusations will be many, and the apologies few. We cannot, however, but think that such an exhibirion will lessen the character of the American Senate by its strong contrast to the moderation and good sense of our own representatives. Even in the opinion of Americans, those men must sink who talk of war only with a belief that their words will be without effect, and who, perhaps, are suffered so to declaim by the indifference of their countrymen ; for that such paltiy disputes should involve two such nations in a struggle which would be fought on every sea, we cannot believe. Although it does not lessen the demerit of those who tamper with international good-will, yet we, in common with almost all Englishmen, think that the bonds of a common language and civilization are too strong to be broken by a dissension to which ninetenths on both sides of the Atlantic are totally indifferent : not through any fear of war, for England was never so strong or so well prepared for war ; but from sincere love of peace, and its inestimable benefits, we trust that American statesmen will be actuated by the same spirit which our own rulers have shown.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NENZC18560517.2.13

Bibliographic details

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XV, Issue 14, 17 May 1856, Page 3

Word Count
1,401

THE UNITED STATES. Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XV, Issue 14, 17 May 1856, Page 3

THE UNITED STATES. Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XV, Issue 14, 17 May 1856, Page 3