THE GOVERNMENT EDUCATION SCHEME.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XII, Issue 602, 17 September 1853, Page 3

THE GOVERNMENT EDUCATION SCHEME.

*—y (From th« Sydney Empin.) In the House 'of Commons, on Monday, April 4, Lord J. Russell, in pursuance of notice, rose to state generally the intentions of the Government with respect to education in England and Wales. He began by briefly tracing the history of the public day-schools for the education of the poorer classes, from the time of Joseph Lancaster and Dr. Bell. He then noticed the establishment of the National Society, which supplied a defect in the Lancasterian-schools. In 1846, further steps of considerable importance were taken for improving the quality of the education. His Lordship then proceeded— l received only yesterday a statement from the Registrar' General with respect to the number of schools, and the number of children receiving education in this country, and the actual number at> Sending the schools on the 31st March, 1851. The total number of day-schools is 44,898; public day-schools 15,473; those attending private day-schools, 29,429. Tbe number of persons of both sexes attending in the dayschools is 2,108,4/3; those attending private day-schools 700,000. The number of both sexes attending on the 3lst of March, 1851, was 1,754,976;* of which there were at the public day-schools, 1,115,237; at the private day-schools, 639,739. It is stated in this table that the proportion of scholars on the books is 11*76 per cent., or of 1 scholar to 84 persons. The proportion of those attending to those on the books is 83 per cent. ; or, that 56ths of those who are on the books attend. It also appears from this account that the number of scholars in what are called private schools does not average more than 27 : but that in the public schools, with which we have more immediately to do, they amount to 93 ; and we may therefore take 93 scholars as the average of persons attending at these public day-schools. The number of the schools of the Church of England, as ascertained by the National Society, in 1847, 1 think was 17,015. The British and Foreign Society's schools were 1500 ; the Wesleyans, 397 ; the Congregational schools 89 only; tbe Roman Catholic schools, 585; the j ragged schools, 270; total, 19.856. The number of scholars of the Church of England was 955,865 ; of the British and Foreign Society, 225,000 ; of the Wesleyans, .upwards of 38,000; of tbe Congregational schools, 7000 ; in the Roman Catholic schools, 34,000 ; in tho Ragged Schools, 20,000; total, 1,281,077. I will now state, as far as may be ascertained, the incomes of those different religious bodies, applied to the purposes of echools. In tbe Church of England schools, in 1847, the sum was £817.031 ; in the British and Foreign Society's schools, £161,250; in the Wesleyan schools, £27.347 ; in the Congregational schools, £4,951, (with regard to several of these Congregational schools, the sum is not so completely given as in the others) ; in the Roman Catholic echools, £16,000; and in the Ragged schools, £20,000 ; total, £1.046,579. In reckoning the sources of income, it has been calculated that the local endowments are about £68,537 ; the local subscriptions, £366,823; the local collections, £114,109; and the school pence, £413,044; and from other sources, £83.076. I should state that in none of the accounts of income, except those of the Roman Catholic schools, is there any aum placed to the account of private schools, which are entirely supported by the contributions of individual persons who wholly maintain those schools. It is £2000 for tbe Roman Catholic schools; and I thought I should make an estimate a good deal under the mark if I added £54,000 from other communions to the other sources ; and the sum applied to the maintenance of these schools would then be £1,100,000. Now there is one sum in these sources of income to which I would wish particularly to call the attention of the House, namely, the £413,000 from school pence. I have no doubt that is an under estimate, and that if we were to say that £500,000 is contributed by school pence, we should not be relying on an excessive estimate. That the poor and working classes of this country ehould contribute half a million sterling each year towards the expense of the instruction of their children, I think the House will consider a most gratifying fact. (Loud cheers.) Lord John described the plan at present pursued, and then proceeded to consider what was to be done for its improvement. It had been said by persons of considerable talent that it was not the duty of the State to interfere at all in the religious and moral training of the people, which ought to be left entirely to voluntary efforts. He could never subscribe to their reasoning; he thought that, as it was the obvious duty of the State to preserve order and the rules of morality, it should provide tbe best means of preventing the breach of them. Another system had been proposed, namely, for the establishment of what were called secular schools. He understood the advocates of this •Astern to say that the country was divided into religious communities differing from each other, and that it was impossible to bring their children into the same school and give them religious instruction, though it was possible to give them secular instruction, leaving their religious instruction to tbe ministers and pastors of the different communities. Lord John discussed at some length this proposal, which, he remarked, excluded from school instruction the most important subject of all. Some of its advocates contemplated tbe teach ing of a natural theology in the schools, but no Christianity, than which no scheme could be more dangerous. He could, therefore, be no party to any plan founded upon the secular modi* of teaching. What, then* wai to be

done under the present system ? He did not think it would be possible to unite persons of different religious sentiments in all parishes; and even if the National Society should dispense with its rules with regard to the catechism and other points, he did not believe that the great difficulty would be removed. Although equality in civil and political rights had been established, the Church of England put forth claims in respect to education, which the Dissenters considered to be at variance with the equality they claimed; and if a general rate were made there would bo strong repugnance on their part to a rate for an object in which tbe whole community could not participate. There were, however, communities in the country which might obtain the means of supporting schools by rates —namely, those towns who had a corporate organisation; and it appeared to the Government that it was possible to give power to the municipal councils of towns to vote a rate for improving education, under certain conditions—namely, that twothirds of the town council should agree to the rate; that the rate should be applied in aid of voluntary efforts in a fixed proportion; that the schools should be placed under the minutes of council, and that parents should havo the power of withdrawing their children from a form of religious instruction to which they objected. As this plan could not be adopted generally throughout the country, [it was proposed, under minutes not yet fully matured, to make special allowances in certain instances. Provision would be made for giving assistance to very poor places, where it was impossible to obtain a sufficient sum from voluntary sources. He had now stated what was proposed to be done by the bill he should ask leave to introduce ; but there was another subject of great importance, respecting which he should briefly mention the evils and the remedy proposed. There was a large amount of money left by charitable bequests for purposes of education, which, since 1818, had been investigated by various,commissions; the number of these charities was 28,340, and the annual income of these endowments for education was £312,000. Abuses bad been found to exist in these charities. It appeared to the Government that there were two matters, totally distinct to be provided for—one a judicial power to declare whether any of the trusts had been abused, and to take measures to remedy such abuses; another, a power of administration, or of superintending the administration of the trusts. The latter it was proposed to vest in a committee of tbe privy council, to be appointed by her Majesty, with the Lord President at its head; and it was proposed to give the judicial power to the county courts where the income of the charity was under £30 a year, and to the Master of the Rolls where it exceeded that amount. There were other topics akin to the subject. The sums to be granted for the promotion of science and art it was intended to place under the control of a department of the Board of Trade. With regard to the universities, he had no particular scheme to announce on the part of tbe Government; on the contrary, they were of opinion that they should not fulfil their duty if they proposed any scheme to parliament until the matter had been further considered, and the universities had had an opportunity of suggesting and adopting such changes as they thought desirable. With respect to Oxford, he was of opinion that very considerable changes were required in the constitution of that university, by improving the governing body; by enlarging the means of access to tbe university; by removing or modifying the restrictions upon the admissions to fellowships, which should not be held for life; and by the more rigorous application of the endowments of the colleges to purposes of instruction in the university. The Government would keep these objects in view; and, if the uifn-eruties should refrain from making useful alterations, it would be tbe duty of her Majesty's Government not to hesitate in bringing in measures ! which they might think necessary for that purpose. He moved for leave to bring in a bill. ! Mr. Ewart should give his cordial support to the plan of the Government. Mr. Hume differed from Lord J. Russell on the subject of secular education. Mr. M. Gibson observed that Lord J. Russell had not said what was to become of the minute of council of June the 12th, 1852. Had it been rescinded ? Lard J. Russell replied, it was not intended to enforce that minute. Mr. W. J. Fox observed that the common notion about secular education was erroneous; there was no such thing as education without the religious element. Mr. E. Ball could never agree to any system of education from which the Word of God was excluded. Sir. R. Inglis warned Lord J. Russell that be must not expect any support from him in his views regarding the universities. Mr. Phinn urged tbe importance of a subject respecting which Lord J. Russell had been silent, namely, the compulsory education of the lowest classes. After some remarks the motion was agreed to.