SOUTH AFRICA AND THE EMPIRE

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LXXII, 25 January 1939, Page 8

SOUTH AFRICA AND THE EMPIRE

SOLIDLY BEHIND BRITAIN ! LUCKY TO HAVE NAVAL ' BASE AT THE CAPE The opinion that the future of his ■ country lay within and not beyond the ' folds of the Union Jack was expressed ' in an interview by Mr B. O. Schonegevel, a South African, who with his ; wife is visiting Wellington in the course of a tour of the Dominion, i Mr Schonegevel was one of the leaders of General Smuts’ Party in the Cape Provincial House before the fusion with General Hertzog’s Party. He is chairman of the executive of the Empire Unity League and his home is now in London. England, under Campbell-Banner-man, said Mr Schonegevel, had restored responsible government to the Boers and by that act of statesmanship had saved General Botha and General Smuts for England. “We shall never beti-ay your trust,” Botha had said and j that trust never had been betrayed. Thej mantle of Botha had fallen quite naturally on Smuts. The outstanding part played by Smuts in the last war was I one of the illuminated pages of his-1 tory, because after conquering Ger-1 many’s African colonies, he had gone ; to England and become a member of; the British War Cabinet. History had 1 no parallel—in 1902, a fiery Boer War general; a little more than a decade j later, a lieutenant-general in the Eng- ‘ lish army and a member of the British War Cabinet. “Smuts is recognised not only as one of the intellects of the world, but! also as a statesman, a soldier, a botan- j ist, a philosopher, a scientist ana an author,” he said. “At 67, he is as active as ever and is big enough to! sit under General Hertzog as doputyPrime Minister. “These two men now guide ihe destinies of my country. South Africa tin- [ der their leadership is perhaps the most ; prosperous country in the world.” TIES THAT BIND When the Statute of Westminster — which provided, inter alia, that the Parliament of Westminster ceased to have the right of revision of the legislation of the Parliaments of the Dominions—came into force in 1931, some people believed, continued Mr Schonegevel, that the slender, silken cord of Empire would snap. But how wrong those people had been. That silken cord of independence was more binding than any chain could ever be. “South Africa knows the enormous value of a parternship in the all-power-ful firm of John Bull and Company. While to New Zealand goes the credit of being England’s best customer a head of population, to South Africa, with its population of two million whites and six million blacks, goes the distinction of being England’s best customer, from the point of view of local imports, with India following. South Africa is as important a gateway to the East to-day as ever she was. Millions are being spent on harbour development and our defences are being energetically strengthened and added to. “Though we would and could put up a stout defence, we are always mindful that the British Navy is still, thank Heaven, our sure shield. We are a fortunate people indeed to have a British naval base at the Cape.” EMPIRE UNITY As chairman of the executive of the Empire Unity League, Mr Schonegever has travelled the Empire widely. He said that when he met Empire people he tried to acquaint himself with their problems, and he always returned to England with an ardent determination to make people realise the many difficulties besetting the Empire. “I try, in other words, to act as a link in the chain of Empire,” he said. “Our Empire under a sovereign King, united in defence, united in the preservation - of its people, and united in a sincere spirit of goodwill to all, will prevail. “The Empire ship has had a very stirring passage of late. She is still being badly tossed about, but the captain, a man worthy of his ancestors i and his race, is determined to bring the ■» old ship back into calm water. God - grant he may be successful. i “United we are the mightiest force on earth; divided we would be impoWA%V.V.W. , .V.VV.V.V.*.W.V

tent and would not long exist as an Empire.” Discussing the suggestion of disaffection in South Africa against the British, Mr Schonegevel said that he | had the authority of a statement made ; less than a month previously by Gen- j eral Smuts that “if England was at war, South Africa must necessarily be at war, too.” If war came. South Africa would play her part 100 per cent. The dictators would make a very grave mistake if they regarded Chamberlain’s desire for peace as peace at any price. The strong could afford to be gener- r , ous. As long as was comptatible with j dignity and self-respect, everyone in the Empire expected the Prime Minister of England to throw his weight in the scale of peace, but he might rest assured that, if his counsels were not heeded, the British Empire from one end to the other would stand by him as was done in 1914.

“We desire nothing; we menace none; we do not interfere in the forms of government chosen by others.” said Mr Schonegevel in conclusion, “but we shall brook no interference in any endeavour to change our form of government. Freedom is the foundation on which our Empire rests and on that foundation we shall stand to the last