PEACE CONGRESS
NEW ZEALA»ii DELEGATION
DISPOSAL OF GERMAN OOi.ONIES.
MANJUATOKA GUNTRcL,
(From R. Riley, Official Journalist }
PARIS, Feb. 9. 1019. It threatened for a time at the protracted sessions of the Council of the Allied and Associated Powers, that the reprasenauves of the British Dominion's would have more difficulty :n gaining acceptable control of the German Colonies in Africa and the South I’aciric than that generally experienced by their armies m capturing them. The Council insisted upon the adoption of the proposed system of mandatory control on behalf of the League of Nation®—a system which, in its original form, provided an open economic; door for all nations in the League and fiscal equality to all nations trading with the | territory to be controlled by the mandate; the oversea delegates just us firmly ■ pressed for specific safeguard against an idealistic system which existed only on paper, and offered no guarantee of permanent security. It should be re-stated definitely that there never was at any time any hostility on the part of the represenatives of the British Dominions to the principle of mandatory control on behalf of the League of Nations. Mr Massey, Mr W. M. Hughes, and General Botha wore opposed only to a blind faith in theory and experiment a s against concrete and proved results. They maintained their opposition until they had secured a provisional agreement which included essential safeguards. As a matter of fact both Mr Lloyd George and .M. Cleruenceau heartily congratulated Mr Massey on the manner in which he had striven for a guarantee of permanent security from enemy influence in Samoa. It was reported by a. section of the British Press that one time there had been talk of disruption of the Brutish Empire and the alienation of Japan and Italy from the Allies. There never was anything of the isort, and it was not surprising that a prominent member ot the 'Council expressed regret that he had left his profane vocabulary at home. ! AIT that need be said as to the sturdy opposition by the representatives of the Brit'sh Dominions to the principle o, madatory control as originally proposed ' wa<j that it was directed against the lack of safeguards in respect oi a recurrence of enemy activities or influence m the South Pacific. As Mr Massey phrased it, “a temporary settlement with apparent security wa fl not what New Zealand wanted : they desired a permanent ' settlement with guaranteed from ! the German menace in the Pacific. ; There was absolue unanimity on one important point: that was the necessity for refusing completely to consider the restoration of the German Colonies in Africa and the Pacific to Germany. Indeed, this principle was accepted without discussion. So there was no “tenderness” towards Geraiany. In the prebm- ; inary conferences in reference to the 1 disposal of the German Colonies, it had be e n contended briefly but pointedly that ; direct British control would be best in : Gorman South-West Africa, German New Guinea, and German Samoa. If, for example, the TJnion of South Africa were given mandatory control of South-West Africa there would be in a vast territory, geographically one, two forms of administration; in New Guinea, under a similar system of control there would be a Customs barrier be- - tween one portion of the Island and the ' other; then, as regard,. Samoa, would it • be worth New Zealand’s while, to under- ! take the task of expensive admmistrajtion only as a mandatory on that j were a e yet merely theories? And it had ! been pointed out that the Pacific was a world in itself, awd th&t the South . Mauds encompassed the progressive Bn- ! tisli Dominions in the South Pacific like ■ fortresses. Mr Massey had pointed out, i for example, that prior to New Zealand s ! capture of Samoa in 1914 Samoa, a German naval base, and the centre of wirej i eS s German communication in the Pacu I fie, had lain athwart New Zealand’s main {sea-route to the Motherland; such a, menace could never again be allowed to | exit in any shape or form. There were strings of islands suitable for coaling , stations and submarine bases, and unless land until these passed into secure con- ‘ trol, there could be no guarantee of peace and security for the British Dominion,, in the Pacific. Further, control by a League of Nations would lead' to a confusion of authority. Where was the specific guarantee that the authority ot the mandatory State would not in time become seriously overshadowed? All that the Dominions wanted was not sordid aggrandisement, but a rock lounda- ' tion of security. . n j These arguments, which were well rece’ved by the Council of the great Powers drew aw important explanation of the principle of mandatory control. The fundamental basis of the principle was the almost universal feeling agamrt further 'annexations. Then the l°Ci ca _ superstructure was a form of ■ control which should forever prevent a recurrence of shameful abuses of backward peoples in remote but resourceful territories, and which would at the same time guarantee advancement and protection of the native,? In short, there must be an end to exploitaion of backward peoples. The whole world must become their trustees, and guardians, but it wag not intended to exercise arbitrary sovereignty over any people. All this, at yras maintained by the ardent supporters ot the mandatory principle, would erne tho backward peoples in the former man colonies, and would protect i'hem from such abuses as had systematically been practised under German administration. Then there wa s the shining goal towards which a mandatory State could strive...the goal of securing the desire o* the natives mandatorily controlled for free absorption. In other words, the mandate might be made so successful that union would come in logical sequence to wise and generous admmistraThere was no objection taken to these arguments, but there wa e still keen opposition to some conditions which were to bo attached to the proposed mandate. It was nrde cleat, for example, that under mandatory control all members of the Longue of Nations had to be 1 given equal right of economic access to the territore® to to mandatory controlled. And if Custom® duties were necessary, the charges must be precisely the ie to all nation* trading with the territories- There could bo no■ inference given to any, even if vmdei the am&'u «» any preference were given to the Motherland Land. . It was tho condition m rafwonco to equality of fi-cal treatment ed the keenest opposition from the oyer sea delegates. Was it proposed to leave the economic possible entry of our presen Tf «ri.ch were to be the policy then the. British Dominion? could not favour mam 1 -.
datory control. So the argument “went on until the British Dominions’ delegates secured a provisional agreement which included 'essential 1 'add fixed a special charter, so. to speak, as regards the mandates for Africa, New Guinea, and, Samoa,
NEW ZEALAND’S POSITION.
In the course of ’ protracted conversations before the Council of the Powers, Mr Massey assured President Wilson: that he would speak In no spirit of opposition to the principle of the League of Nations, but the nearest precedents of history had all ended in failure. So ho hoped that the Congress now sitting would mot end in the same way, but would bring us nearer to the ! period of xmiversal pea.ee foi*' Which so many people were'anxiously looking. As I ‘av as danger from enemy ' invasion was concerned, Australia and New Zealand wore “in the reme boat.” The weakness of one was the weakness of 'both. Samoa was of vital importance to New Zealand. It was situated on the mam trade route from the South Pacific to Europe through, the Panama Canal. - If, - by any chance, Samoa were in- enemy 1 hand e New Zealand would be etrangl- ' *d. He hoped that he would be able ' to induce President Wilson to see the | question from New Zealand's standpoint. , , I One of the main reason® put lorwara in support of the mandatory system was that it would benefit the inhabitants "of the temtories formeily in the possession of Germany. He could claim with confidence that New Zealand had already done in this ree-peci as well as—or better than—any mandatory Power was ever likely to do, , New Zealand not only . included the two islands general]; attributed to her, but she also controlled the Look Ai chipelago, which had been assigned to the Dominion about twenty yeais ago. e experiments made by New administering this terntory had successful. , Schools had been in the larger island®; agricuitora expcrts had been, sent from New Zealand to train the population in raising tropical products. The natives had beqonw more industrious and the islands coaisequentlv much more productive. A hospital had been established at Raratonga, whi hj was the headquarters of the JN©vv Zealand Resident Commissioner arid . Us \ staff. The same treatment had been applied to the theie e , the treaty of Waliangi had been applied to the natives of New Zealand P r °P® r * The Maoris of New Zealand were liked and respected by the Europeans ami every trade and profession m the Do- ! mtorion was open to them. ne o colleagues in the Government- (Dp I-’omair©} vmw a member of the native race. On account of the great hnowledg of the Polynesian race® possessed by Mm it had Been suggested that-he should come to the Peace i make any necessary explanation® and, I but for the expense ofsendingan additional Minister from New he thought that Dr. Pomare would have been a very useful delegare. When Samoa was token over at the l beginning of the'-war the sarae policy of b improvement -wa B continued there. The Maoris, Cobfc'lalanders and Samoans were of the same race and ©poke dialects of the same language. Ij anj I change in control' were to be tne inhabitants of Samoa woidd- be ® ly dissatMed. He asked the Council to compare the' treatment accords! to these natives with the Treatment of Atrican natives by the Germans, The difference between the mandatmy principle and that instituted y Zealand was similar to the - difference, between leasehold and- freehold temire, Np individual would put the serne energy into a leasehold of unimproved country as into a freehold. » was the same with Governments, r They muab haw security of tenure to encourage them to develop the territories under their C °The necessity lor ’ development 'had also'been urged as a reason ior tory control. He (Mr Maseey) agreed it was nebeseary to increase production, but in such cases special finamhal arrangements would have to be made. Jie saw serious difficulties ahead for- fin mandatory Power ih financing the territories to be placed _ under their con. fcrol The only security m would be the territory held in truit and he doubted if rould be der such conditions, except at k tote of interest. ‘-He instanced New Guinea, which in the future would irei quire opening up by railways and roads I 2nd w-Kere tie I probably be Australia. On the credit if a government like the Commonwealth loan® could bo raised iov the ment ot New Guinea which; before- it could support a - civilised / would, require docks, public ,telegraphs and a number- of othei utilitlThe new territory itself, -until .developed, would not afford sufficient security for loans. this process could net be as succesfully set in motion by a mandatory power as • by* a strong Stato to which the temtorv } was annexed ” ... . 1 Though it might not he the time to dkcuSS what should be done with the -ota*** «**»#, “‘iMu*. should be treated a® euch. : | felted’it® right to exist as J i Unles® broken up mow it would hecom la danrer again, and. future geimratiomshould” be safeguarded ageuist tt® per- " **«■«•• t* sdms Sron» S 1 ? JHJJJwouH wrtanly atom* •» b«fc- M »l»‘ SWJ and peaceful penetration meant- K M been experienoeoi even at thy Ant .P de He drew attention to the; fact that the phrase “division of spoil* had been Led as a quotation by a ! Council. He pointed put Ahat the phrase would not apply to N|W Ld. Her financial burdens incuued during this war were very heavy. _ ata time when New Zealand was not hidf developed it had been filled upon to send large numbers of soldiers immense distances to take their part in the defence, of the Empire and of ci v It had done so willingly and mt only lost a valuable portion-of its potation -for. which not aH--the money in Germany would pay—but had', also £100.000,000 of Sebt. Tb©re was httte prospect of any recoupment kerns. ' W tmsm mine of Sw w* » oe,« triße appealed to the President of the united from the New Zealand He would ask him to re'-all the ponod immediately after the American War oi ludependetice wouiA WmsJiWgton and Hamilton audrtho othens with them have' done had it been suggested that mandatory power, or even the colonists- themeehe* as ma .- datories of a League of -Nations, should bo given of the in' North" Araeriba not "at that time oocuoied. There was little doubt that the American any Audi suggestion. had Anything of the sort the Umted Staler t hive croivti into mm ’Of the* of the world; air-it rwas New Zealand dtoired-to-mrofee-the*, future citiren®, of/the- South *rem , the possibilities of W*** I some turbulent m>d ambitiou® power m that part of the world
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Bibliographic details
Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LIII, Issue 103, 2 May 1919, Page 5
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2,229PEACE CONGRESS Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LIII, Issue 103, 2 May 1919, Page 5
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