Nelson Evening Mail. WILL THE GERMAN PEOPLE REVOLT?

Nelson Evening Mail, 22 July 1916, Page 4

Nelson Evening Mail. WILL THE GERMAN PEOPLE REVOLT?

THE freedom of the individual to direct his own life within reasonable limits, and his consequent moral responsibility for the proper exercise of that freedom, .ire the characteristics that in the last resort differentiate .man from human brute. This, in a word, is the teaching of a remarkable book byi Mr Edmond i 'Holmes, late Chief Inspector of the Elementary Schools of England, entitled' "The Xemiscs of Docility."* In this bock ho surveys the Gorman State, and among other thines makes a very striking psychological analysis. He examines the history of the German nation as a physician examines the medical history of his ease. He investigates the symptoms, and after carefully excluding all other opssible causes he refers them to the fundamental cause -which lies embedded in the nation's history. Because the nation has behaved in such-and-such a way in the past it is disclosing such-and-such symptoms —and very disagreeable and dangerous, symptoms they are—in the present. The author outlines the causes of the astonishing docility and servility of the rank and file of the German people and the equally astonishing arrogance and brutality of the ruling caste. One of the reviewers, in a careful analysis of this book, points out that it is particularly interesting to note the clue to the complete change which has taken place in the character of the German people since the time when their love of freedom impressed Tacitus, the .Roman historian, so profoundly. 'Mr Holmes shows that in the time of Tacitus political power among the Germans was inherent in the mass of the people. They chose their commanders for their military virtue, and invested them on that account with authority, which was willingly conceded. But when the Germans broke into the decaying .Roman Empire they found there a political system in which authority, -was situated at the apex of the pyramid, not at the base. They found «" autocratic form of government, and they were compelled to make use of it in governing the populations that came under their sway. And so they became infected with the autocratic microbe, which was further .strengthened by the specific effort of feudalism upon their tendency to split up into political fragments. France and England' have, thrown off feudalism aud have recovered for their citizens the right to direct their own lives and to be free. Germany was unable to do-"so, and therein lay the seeds of the great tragedy. In this book the author traces the working of the vicious principle which, in destroying freedom of action, has also destroyed sense of responsibility, and produced impevviousness to moral ideas. Hence the appalling records of '"crimes of violence" and "crimes of shame" in Germany even in peace time. ■ Hence also the inhuman ■brutalities with which the war has been conducted and' of which Mr Holmes produces further horrifying details, particularly in the matter of the treatment of prisoners of war by the Germans. As to the final outcome and "Nemesis" of the docility which is a pathological symptom of supreme importance to the political diagnostician, Mr Holmes presents certain considerations which de-

serve, attention, --particularly in view oi tin; prevalent impression that the Germans are too well disciplined ever to embark on a revolution. Mv Hlohnes writes illuininatingly : •'The attitude of the Cerinan citizen towards the State must be carefully distinguished from the. love of one"* country -which is felt by the citizen* of other lands. An Englishman loves England because she is his country, because he is proud of her, because he understands her and she understands him, because she is the home of all who are dear to him. because in one way or another she attracts his love. A German loves Germany because the State has ordered him to do so. A generation ago his love of Germany was a much feebler sentiment than his love of his own particular kingdom or duchy ; than the Bavarian's love of (Bavaria, for example, or the Badener's | lovp of ißaden. He is now told to be a | 'German' .patriot,, and lie duly obeys his 'orders. But devotion to the Str.te is

1 1n- liM-.iii.-i.i'iiig of hi, patriotism. Why ■is lie devoted to the State'; Partly be-

cause (he State 1 elainis hi- devotion find sends him to prison it he dees not give ii i'l-erly. lint chiefly. .1 think, because ihe Statu does so much for him—relieves him nl' responsibility, gives him .security, order, prosperity, educates him, trains him. organises the material resources of the country.-and places these at his ser-

vice, footers commerce .and manufacturing industry, and so helps him fo grow richT"" leads him to victory, and so enables him to hold his head high, both at home and abroad. Jn no other country does- the State do so much for the citizen. In no other country does it. exact so much from him. There is a tacit bargain between him and it which so far ha.s been faithfully observed by both the- contracting parties. What would happen if the State failed to fulfil its side of the bargain—if it led the citizen

to defeat, for example, or to financial ruin, or to social chaos'.' That remains to be seen. Tf the State betrayed him and so forfeited its title to his devotion, would his patriotism, his love of jus country for His own sake, survive the shock and sustain him. in his trouble? I. doubt, it."