Nelson Evening Mail FRIDAY, MARCH 8, 1912. TRADES UNIONISM AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XLVII, Issue XLVII, 8 March 1912, Page 4

Nelson Evening Mail FRIDAY, MARCH 8, 1912. TRADES UNIONISM AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY.

A VEXED QUESTION. IN continuing the articles on economic questions it is interesting to deal with the political activity of trades unions. The question presents several problems of n rather intricate nature. On the face of it, it. seems only fair that a body of men in a trades union should be just, as much entitled to full political activity as an v other section of the community —and, of cnur.sc, in one way it is so. But it must be remembered that the primary objects of trades unions aio industrial, not political, and men may well feel that they are being treated unjustly if they are forced out of union ranks on the ground that thvv do not accept the political V'mciples of a possibly temporary majority or ratliei what is fast becoming the case, forced to swallow political opinions they are not in agreement with. In the real objects of trades unions it is easy >to obtain something like unanimity. Men may be united in desiring improvements in wages, hours of labour and the like, and such subjects afford a perfectly le-

gitimate sphere for unionist activity. But, as stated above. political operations fall under an entirely ditfeiont category. Party solidarity, however, is essential to political success, and, accordingly many opinions must be suppressed.

This question has long bcoj> a very acute cne in England, where trades unions have imposed levies upon their members for jmrpeses of supporting members of Parliament and of furthering a certain political programme. EngiislL unionists, it is weil known, are by no meaiu unanimous in accepting this programme. Many of them object to the alliance which is gradually being engineered between labour and socialism, and others think that it is a great mi.-tako to uso the organisation and machinery of the unions for political purposes of any kind. The judgment in the famous Tatf Vale case declared that union funds were,liable for damage for injury to trade or property resulting from a union-controlled strike. Unionists were most indignant, and the judgment was stigmatised as an unwarrantable, outrage upon their rights. The question was referred to an est pert 'Royal Commission. The report of the Commission showed very clearly that a trades union was liable for wrdhgful acts in just the same way as any other body of citizens. In 1906 the unions secured the passing of the Trades' Disputes Act. , This measure enacted that union funds were to be absolutely five from any liability for wrongful acts committed by the union or its members. If this were sound unions could do anything they liked without the fear of suffering any unpleasant- consequences. The Court of Appeal repudiated this outrageous proposition, holding that the protection afforded by the Trades Disputes Act sheltered a union onlv so far as it concerned itself with matters which were connected with proper trades union purposes. The Master of the Rolls said :—"lt seems to me extravagant to suppose that the immunities and exemptions- conferred by the Act have been intended to apply to any business w'hich a trades union might add to what I may call strictly trade union purposes."

It is clear that Any man suffers an injustice if by joining, a trade organisation, he is compelled on pain of suffering or "hell upon earth" to subscribe money for the promotion of political ends of which he. may thoroughly disapprove. Trade interests and political interests, just as political interests and religious interests, are. to a certain extent, better kept apart. It is better if labour works under a separate political division altogether. We have already treated with the effects of the general strike, or syndicalism as it is called, and ws have seen the unreason of several recent trade disputes, not . .simply on the part of the men, but we are dealing with that matter at present ; and a regrettable impetuosity seems 'to mark many of the developments. For instance ifi the nresent coal strike, England has been rather startled to see that such men as Mr Burt have Tost thenaccustomed influence with the workeis. Old methods are considered to be too slow, and the present reckless tendency is one of th<? dangers of the age. Mr Burt always considered himself a fighter, but he fought with reason, facts and arguments. And in some measure this means the adoption p°" litical methods as against the reckless* strike. The trades unions may claim that their object being improvements in the conditions of the workers, by political or any other means, they can obtain that unanimity . which ensures a man against the sacrifice of his political opinions, but then even if this be acknowledged, this means legislation for a class instead .of legislation Jor the benefit and improvement of tfc* neople as a whole.