ENGLAND SUSPECTS THE KAISER.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XLI, Issue 306, 15 November 1906, Page 4

ENGLAND SUSPECTS THE KAISER.

("New York Sun.") LONDON, Sept. 8. The latest great move in European Politics has remained concealed much longer than the manoeuvres in which Emperor William is ordinarily con:emed. It has ben the subject of universal conjecture since Germany's interference in Morocco came to a rather inglorious close what direction the Kaiser'? next effort would take. It waa taken for granted that his latcst policy was the subject of the interview with King Edward last month, but not until now has anything been disclosed regarding the details or even the subject of that momentous conference. It is known at least that the Kaiser desires to establish friendly relations with Great Britain. This seems to bo a laudable and pacific ambition, and as such uo doubt it was made to appear in everything that passed between the two monarchs. The significant phase of the situation is, however, that Germany's overtures of friendship have in them a menacing note. This is made abundantly clear this week in an article in the "Deutsche Revue," which it has been allowed to become known, was "inspired in the highest quarters." The article begins by describing the meeting between Emperor Wiliam and King Edward as "the most momentous event of last month." It speaks of the cordiality which prevailed at the meeting, and implies that the conference may have paved the way for a closer and better understanding between Germany and Great Britain. Unfortunately the writer goes on to assert, though with great politeness of language, that England has now two alternatives before her, either a policy "which might easily become disastrous to the Anglo-French counterpoise," or that of including Germany within the circle of her friendship!!. The menacing note of the alternative is enhanced by another phrase in the article, which infers that England is giving encouragement to French diplomacy, "tho object of which is to hem in Germany diplomatically with the help of England, Russia, and other States so closely that the ultimate and inevitable attempt of Germany to break through the circle should end only by her diplomatic and military defeat. Another significant passage is the following: — "A year ago the belief did exist in Germany that our relations with England were in a stage analogous to the relations of Prussia and Austria before 1866, and that in alj probability a cordial understanding would havo to bo preceded by a sharp encounter." The writer goes on, however, to declare that the estrangement which ren--1 dered such a belief possible, though it may not have been justified, is past. He says: — "Both nations may feel confident that it will be possible to arrive at a cordial agreement without any previous armed conflict." In spite of this curious assurance the reference to Austria is not a little alarming. Austria was undoubtedly forced into the German alliance by her defeat at Sadowa and Prussia succeeded naturally, carrying out her threat of "Be my brother or I will slay you." In addition to these more open menaces there runs throughout the article , the warning that Germany will not , tolerate England's making friends with Russia unless Great Britain's negotiations are settled to the satisfaction oi 1 Germany. This language, representing as it un- . doubtedly does the Emperor's present I attitude and policy, has aroused deej resentment in this country. It leads the "Spectator" to remark: — "We all desire intensely a bettei , uni'-rstanding with Germany, but if that understanding can only be purchased by a modification of our present relations with France we must tell Germany as politely as possible that ~.ve do not propose to budge an ' inch. We must, however, repudiate in the strongest possible way the no tion that our understanding with ; France was in any sense originally bas- ■ ed on hostility to Germany or was in any way intended either by France or by us to injure her. Germany's claim as set forth in the article, a claim., , we fear, that finds no little support in German official circles, amounts to this :— "Antagonism between Great Britain and France was a most valuable- asset in Germany's European policy. By r putting an end to that antagonism , France and Great Britain have deprived Germany of that asset, and have thus done her a grievous injury. Accordingly, they must find some means of compensating Germany and restoring her to the privileged position which she formerly ocupied. It is the special business of Great Britain, it is implied, to provide this compensation, and if she does not the consequences to her may be disastrous. What is to be the exact form of compensation is not specified, bi)t it is

i apparently that our relations with France must in some way or other be mado less cordial." It will be seen from the foregoing that Germany's present purpose is clear, and perhaps from her own point ( of view the best available, under the circumstances. It may be said with- [ out hesitation that any attempt on her part to alienate England, and France will fail. What she will do when she full" realises this is impossible to say, ] , but the Kaiser will have less excuse than over for disturbing the peace of tho world in such a situation.