Plea For “Middle of Road” Political Party Made by Mr R. M. Algie

Northern Advocate, 28 July 1939, Page 4

Plea For “Middle of Road” Political Party Made by Mr R. M. Algie

[Special to “Northern - Advocate”'] AUCKLAND, This Day,

MASS MEETING, NUMBERING 20C0. AT THE TOWN HALL LAST EVENING, HEARD MR R. M. AL GIE, DIRECTOR OF THE NEW ZEALAND FREEDOM ASSOCIATION, DE LIVER AN ADDRESS UPON “OUR CRUMBLING CONSTITUTION.” Mr A]gie explained that the purpose behind the meeting was threefold. (1) To clear .away all existing misconceptions regarding the true nature and objects of the association; (2) To lay before the public, in broad outline, the general nature of the “Middle of the Road” policy as understood .and advocated by the association; (3) To call attention to the most glaring instances of disregard by the Government for the “Rule of Law,” and also of a' rapidly growing tendency to sub stitute “government by Ministerial decree”' for “government by legislative deliberation and normal constitutional methods.”

At the conclusion of the meeting it was decided to distribute a petition setting forth specific instances of the growth of arbitrary and discretionary power, and praying for the setting up of a commission similar to that known as the ‘Donoughmore Committee on Ministerial Powers’ in England (Imperial Parliamentary Papers, 1932), with power to inquire into the matters mentioned in the petition, to take any necessary evidence, and to report to the House upon the best means for overcoming the tendencies and the possible abuses suggested in such petition.

,The idea underlying the presentation of such a petition—which it was hoped will be signed broadly through out the Dominion —is a psychological as well as a practical one, said Mr A Igie. It was felt that the apathy of the electors must, in some way. be overcome. It was felt, too that such apathy was due mainly to a sense of pcwerlessness. Electors were inclined to take the view that, however much they might dislike a thing, however pijuch they might growl about it, still there was nothing that they could really do —except, perhaps, at some future election.

Tire people, then, must be given “action” as well as information and instruction. Their apathy could be overcome only by making them conscious of their power.

"On the eve of our Centennial year,” said Mr Algie, in opening his address, "it is a curious fact that, in a British country, an active campaign to secure the restoration of individual liberty should be not only desirable, but urgently necessary. Yet such is unhappily the case.” A century and a half ago, continued Mr Algie, a mighty battle was being waged by the House of Commons against the Crown; today there was a struggle of equal intensity—and of far deeper consequence—between the people on the one hand and the executive and Government departments on the other. The honours were falling rapidly into the lap of the bureaucracy simply and solely because the. various sections of the people were prepared to surrender

one liberty after another in return for a present and material advantage in such forms as fewer working hours, and an increase in nominal wages. The farmers, the manufacturers, the members of the public service, the employees of the Public Works Department, and so on—each and all had been given some immediate advantage in exchange for a sacrifice of liberty. Surrender of Freedom.

In the words of Thomas Jefferson, profusion with subservience to Government departments had been offered to the people in exchange for a surrender of personal freedom of action. The dairy farmer must sell

his products and accept whatever price the buying Government chose to give. The manufacturer lived behind a temporary wall which could be pulled away at the pleasure of the Government. The importer could not any longer say what he would import or from where he would try to obtain his requirements. The local prices of goods, the hours of work, the wages to be paid—all could be fixed by statutes passed by a Parliamentary majority in furtherance of its own cherished policy. The Industrial Efficiency Act gave powers to socialise every kind of occupation, and those powers were not exceeded in any British country outside New Zealand. No one could freely bring into New Zealand the things he required; exporters were dominated by 'a bothersome system of licensing;' and no one might leave the country unless he could obtain from the Government permission to make use of his own money.

Spenders at The Wheel,

“The spenders,” said Mr Algie, “have been at the steering wheel. For three and a half years we have been living beyond our national income. Our reserves of capital have been drawn upon to the limit, and we are reduced, in spite of our previous boasting, to playing the role of the prodigal son in the house of the Imperial Government. We have thrown away our liberty in exchange for what has been described as a kind of ‘economic cannibalism clumsily disguised as.a noble experiment in social betterment.’ The guiding principle of this plan has assumed no higher level than that of merely taking from those who have and giving it to those who have not. But the ultimate solution is apparently no nearer.”

Object of The Association

If, said Mr Algie, there was to be a return to the better principles of sound and orthodox government, if true and effective co-operation in industry was to take the place of the narrow doctrines of class-conscious warfare too often and too loudly preached in the past, the demand for these things must come, and come with determination, from the rank and file of the people themselves. The association was not a political party, nor was it either directly or indirectly allied with any political party. Its concern was with policies, not with parties. In an effort to oppose the introduction of complete State Socialism, it had. last year, supported the National Party. Its alliance with that party, however, as

had always been intended, came to an •end with the General Election of 1938. The objects of the association had been fixed by its foundation deed for a period of at least ten years, and its

services and activities could not bo used by any individual or group for the furtherance of their own special

interests. It was in every sense free and independent of all party ties and

allegiances

The “Middle of The Road” Policy

The Freedom Association was not a political party, and it held very firmly the view that, in existing circumstances, the emergence of a new or third political party in the field was both unnecessary and undesirable, said Mr Algie. The primary work of the association lay with that great middle group of the people whose members did not belong either to the extreme Left or to the extreme Right. This group varied in numbers from time to time; its members often took a more or less casual interest in politics and did not attach themselves ' permanently to either party. They were broad and liberal in outlook; they sought progress as opposed to static conservatism: they were prepared to take a generous view of their responsibilities as citizens towards those not so happily placed as themselves. Nevertheless, they were definitely opposed to the cramping restrictions of bureaucratic State Socialism. If the numbers of this middle group could be increased by patient educative methods, and if the members of it could be given a firm grasp of sound progressive principles and efficiently organised throughout New Zealand, their numbers and their voice -would be a powerful factor in the democratic government of this country. Such a “middle group,” with its well-informed demand for the best in government, for the country as a whole, would offer a splendid inducement to the Labour Government now in office to return to what could be called the “Middle of the Road.” The present Ministry, as the party in office, was fully entitled to that opportunity, and if they availed themselves of it, there was every cei’tainty that this great middle

Labour’s Choice If the Labour Party either could not, or would not adopt and put into operation such a “middle way” policy, then obviously the call would go forth to the National Party to build and propound such a policy. If that party could and would produce a policy

J which fitted in with the desires of this ■ strong but well-balanced and wellj informed middle group, then solid support would be forthcoming for that : party from the members of that group. ,If the National Party also proved to be unable or unwilling to meet the i wishes of that great middle group, j then, and in that case only, there i would be no alternative except the j emergence of a new and third political j party. There, ready to its hand, would, in that event, be that large middle [ group of keen, well-informed people, j enthusiastic for democracy, bent on i liberal progress with due regard to ] social justice, but determined to preserve c. condition of free personal initiative and reasonable opportunities for private enterprise.

In the education and organisation of that group lay the real task of the Freedom Association. It had to play a part in drawing into the middle of the road those generous, progressive and fair-minded people of the community, regardless of all questions of party; it had to seek to give them a goal towards which to strive; it had to help them in thenmarch towards it, and, above all, it had to assist in keeping alive in them a lively regard for the importance of the individual and a burning faith in free democratic institutions. Lack cf Respect for Law

In its attitude towards respect for law and for the administration of justice generally, said Mr Algie, the record of the present Government was an unattractive one. The lessons taught by previous Governments in this respect had been eagerly learned, and quickly assimilated by their successors in office.

Step by step, added Mr Algie, Ministerial and Departmental authority had been cutting into the prerogatives of the people. The two Houses of Parliament had, on too many occasions, surrendered to Cabinet and to State Departments the law-making power which should have remained with the representatives of the people, and the regulations made by Ministers in this manner were given the same force and effect as ff they had been openly enacted in Parliament itself. In other cases, authority had been given to Ministers to issue regulations which could not in any way be reviewed or questioned in any of the lav/ courts. There had also been growing up a very mischievous practice whereby it had become common to set up Ministerial and Departmental tribunals to hear disputes between the citizen and a government. This practice had been carried to a point at which the liberties and privileges of individuals were seriously threatened. At the conclusion of his address Mr Algie distributed to the members of the audience copies of a petition to Parliament complaining first of the dangers involved in the transfer of legislative power from Parliament to the executive, secondly of the

j The Petition. The petition reads as follows Whereas during recent years there have been in the legislation of the present Government and also in that of previous Governments many instances in which—(l) Ministers of the Crown have been given law-making powers equal to those properly belonging to the two Houses of Parliament alone and whereas, (2) Such Ministers have been permitted to issue Orders in Council under which their actions cannot be questioned or reviewed in any of the Courts of Justice and whereas, (3) Ministerial and other tribunals have been set up in which disputes between individual citizens and the Government are j decided and from the decisions j of which there is no right of ,ap- ! peal to the ordinary Courts of I Justice and whereas, (4) In proceedings before such Ministerial and other tribunals Ministers and Officers of State are permitted to act as judges in their own causes and whereas, (5) In such ways the powers of the two Houses of Parliament tend | to be diminished while those of j Ministers and Officers of State i are unduly enlarged and extended with the possibility of resulting injury to the traditional and constitutional rights of citizens as such, Now therefore your petitioners do humbly pray that Your Honourable House will be pleased to appoint and to constitute a Royal Commission or other like body with similar powers to consider the matters recited above to take evidence in relation thereto and to make recommendations to Your Honourable House as to the best means for dealing with such dangers or evils as the investigations of the said Commission or other like body may disclose .and to make such other recommendations as such Royal Commission or other like body may think proper regarding such matters as aforesaid and in particular with a view to the safeguarding of individual citizens against any possible future abuses arising from the exercise by Ministers of the Crown and by Officers of Stats of judicial functions or of original or delegated law-making powers,

The main purpose of the Summary Proceedings Bill, which will make its appearance in the House of Representatives almost immediately, is to avoid, as far ,as possible, sending people to gaol for non-payment of fines. Details of the measure were explained yesterday b(y the Attorney-General, the Hon H. G. R. Mason, who will be in charge of the Bill.