Passage by Air

Manawatu Times, Volume 61, Issue 189, 12 August 1936, Page 12

Passage by Air

A BALKANISED EUROPE Some people who ought to know bettor have boen making a . considerabJe fuss about the airship Hindenburg’s flights over England, says the Manchester Guardian editorially. When the very existence of Imperial Airways and our own Empire air routes depends on foreign good will—the consent of half a docen Governments—it is hardly becoming for us to start being quarrelsome. Consistently since the war, and with good reason, we have championed the freedom of the air against the opposition of most of the rest of Europe. Actually sinco we have never obtained it, the delays caused by inter minablo bargaining and political ob struction have cost us thousands ol pounds and set back the normal progress of aviation by decades. Why, then, should we begin to be illibera. now merely because of a few apprehen sive souls are suspicious of spies, air ships (useless in modern war), Ger mans, or perhaps all three. The onl\ point that really matters about th. Hindenburg’s visits is whether lie crew behaved themselves proper!; while they were over this country, an Sir Philip Sassoon in the Commons could make no complaint on that score True, as he said, Germany" is expects, by tko 1927 Anglo-German air agree merit to ask “formal permission” be fore running a regular air servu-i across Britain; he therefore would make inquiries in Berlin. But since the Ilindenburg is supposed not to be running a regular air service to the United States, but only making a limited scries of experimental flights, it is at least arguable whether her visits come within that limitation. For the rest, Bir Philip said, "there was no reason to believe that the regulations were not properly observed.” No unauthorised photographs aro known to have been taken and she did not fly over any prohibited area.

A Little Extra Value. In other words, and in default of direct proof to the contrary, it is not unreasonable to assume that if her commander strayed farther over England than he need have done his motive was nothing more sinister than the wish to give his passengers a litle extra value in the shape of a sightseeing tour. The reaction of the public mind are sometimes highly mysterious. Any German light aeroplane, with tho necessary permits, could fly over England and do just as efficient spying as any that could be performed from the Ilindenburg. But nobody seems to bother much about German private aeroplanes, presumably because they are not ostentatiously enormous, noisy and festooned with swastikas. Again, every day of life German pilots—and, of course, French, Belgian, and Butch pilots also —bring commercial air liners into Croydon. They may fly in cloud or fog; their job depends oil their ability to find Loudon unerringly in all weathers, and acually they accumulate experience in doing so. For any bombing attack they have precisely the knowledge any foreign Government would want. But no M.P. has so far been badgered by his constituents to demand that all foreign aviation should be kept out of this country. It would be a pity if the protests about the Ilindenburg should show that we aro now joining in tho general European neurosis. Peaceful flying is already sufficiently handicapped, as the history of its international regulation since the war abundantly shows. The foundation document in public air law is the 1919 Convention, to which most States arc parties. Germany mot a Party. Germany, as an ex-enemy Power, did not adhere originally, and since the Nazi revolution she has continued to abstain, “for the time being,” as has been officially stated, "owing to her withdrawal from the League of Nations and the Disarniamdnt Conference.’' Consequently" Germany (with other non-contracting countries) was obliged to negotiate separate treaties, as for example, the 1927 agreement with Britain. Those agreements, however, mostly conform to the pattern set by the 1919 Convention. Article 1 of that Convention sets out a splendid programme for Utopia:— Each contracting State undertakes in time of peace to accord freedom of innocent passage above its territory to the aircraft of the other contracting States. The rest of 5 tho Convention is less happily inspired, for by Articles 3 and 15 it proceeds to contradict the first great thought and to give a country power to exclude any aeroplane or air line it chooses at any time, in any district, and without giving any reasons. Successive British Governments have tried hard to get the restrictions modified or removed. Our domestic record also, it should bo said in fairness, is creditable. Contrary to the apparent beliefs of some members, there are no "air corridors” iu this country"—routes, that is, which a foreign aeroplane or airship is bound to take. And “prohibited areas,” places which can be assumed to house the most momentous uational secrets, are few. Only Four Places. Tho Continent is liberally bestrewn with both sorts of warning notices. There are only four places at which an aeroplano may cross the Franco-Ger-man frontier. Most of the Italian land frontier is forbidden ground. Only one route is allowed for flights between

Italy and France. Yugoslavia can be entered at only one point on each of its seven frontiers. The borders between Finland and Sweden are virtually closed to air traffic. In other words, the air in Europe has been fairly efficiently • ‘ Balkanised. ’ ’ After “reason of State’’ follows commercial bargaining. Why have Imperial Airways passengers for years had to cross Europe from Paris to the Mediterranean by train? Among other reasons, because we hau once refused an Italian company permission to fly over Egypt, then because ( Italy wanted a “pooling” arrangement which we found too onerous, and then, because Frauce was thought to have excessively munificent ideas on her sharo iu the London-Marseilles receipts. It- is not Imperial Airways, or any other company which is genuinely trying to make aviation pay on the basis of small subsidies, that will object indignantly to a German airship flying over Britain especially on a route where we can at present offer no competition. If bargaining weapons exist we shall use them. But complete “freedom of innocent passage ’’everywhere to the aircraft, of all nations remains the British ideal.