THE IRISH TREATY.

Manawatu Times, Volume XLVI, Issue 2004, 21 December 1921, Page 5

THE IRISH TREATY.

DAIL EIREANN DEBATE. NO WAR OVER A QUIBBLE. MR GRIFFITH IN SUPPORT. [By Electric Cable—Copyright.] [Aust. and N.Z. Cable Association.] (Received Tuesday, 5.5 p.m.) LONDON, December 10. The public session of Daii Eireann has been resumed. Mr Jjc Valera s alternative proposals, on whicn he failed to secure tne unanimous approval ot the secret session, were laid beiore the Assembly. Mr Conins demanded that all the documents should be published. He said that even if he were in a minority of one he would refuse to regard the document as confidential, and would tell the Irish people what it contained. Mr Ue Valera said he would propound his own policy, which differed irom the alternative discussed at the secret session. The Speaicer ruled the discussion out of order. Mr A. Griffith, the mover of the ratification of the treaty, in explaining the circumstances under which he went to the conference, said the task was as hard a one as couid be placed on the shoulders of men. Not a life of one young Irishman should be lost tor the alternative policy. This was the first treaty signed by the Irish Government with the English Government for centuries, it was the first treaty that admitted the equality of Ireland, and for that cause he would sta,nd by it. Every man with a scrap of honour who signed the document was going to stand by it. Every effort was; being made outside to represent that certain men stood uncompromisingly for Ireland's full demands, whiie others like Mr Collins had. compromised Ireland's rights. The difference between tnem was the quibble about the recognition of the King. It was for this that they were asked to throw away the treaty and go back to war. The alternative proposal meant that Ireland would' be half in and half out of the British Empire, whereas under the treaty they would go in with their heads up. If they rejected the treaty and went to war again, Ireland would be fighting against the sympathy of the world. Commandant McKeon, the blacksmith of Ballinalea, seconded the motion. Mr Dc Valera, in asking Dail Eireann not to approve of the treaty, asked: "Did the Irish people think they were liars w,hen they ratified by their votes the creation of an Irish republic?" He said he made his request, not because lie was a man of war but a man of peace. The, treaty would not end the centuries of conflict. Mr Lloyd»George with his treaty was going to do with Ireland what Pitt did with the Act of Union. The treaty was signed under duress and threat of renewal of war. The Irish nation would not respect the treaty, and the nation would never have peace. This treaty was the most ignoble that could be signed. It recognised the British Government's authority in Ireland, and was absolutely Inconsistent with their position. They would be acting in the best interests of Ireland by rejecting if as it would not lead to lasting peace. They knew perfectly well that whoever set it up a provisional Government in Irejand would be looked upon as a usurper equal with Dublin Castle as it had been in the past. He agreed that the plenipotentiaries were guided by the love for Ireland in signing, but he would rather that the Irish remain slaves to the end of time than consent to the document. Continuing, Mr De Valera said: "The Ministers would be the King's Ministers." (Cries of "No.") "Time will tell," he said, "but I hope it won't have a chance, and that you will throw out the treaty. The executive authority in Ireland will be the British monarch, with British authority over the army, which will have to swear allegiance to the English monarch." In conclusion, he quoted ParneU's dictum against attempting to set a boundary to the nation's onward march, which was what the treaty entailed. Mr Stack and Count Plunkett supported the rejection. Mr Collins said he would stand up for £he signature he had given, and would repeat it in Dail Eireann or anywhere else, (Cheers.) "It has been said that the plenipotentiaries went down before the ilrst British bluff. Britain has put up a pretty good bluff the last two years, but I never broke down before it." (Cheers.) The acceptance of an invitation to confer was no acceptance of association within the Empire. If they had held out for a republic there would have been no conference. The treaty gave them all the freedom any nation need desire, wherein to develop. They had substituted common citizenship with the Dominions for the sub-« jection of Ireland. Were they to continue the impossible fight and never to start on their own feet? The delegation W as confident there would be goodwill towards Ulster and that eventually Ulster would come under the Irish Parliament. It was unfair to auote the dead as against the signatories. He was convinced many of them would have realised that they had acted in Ireland's best interests. Mr Erskine Childers described clause 6 "as most humiliating in face of the naval provisions and the useless talk of Irelands' equality and ability to make treaties. She would be merely an English protectorate. The King a representative would be the centre of authority and Ministers ot the Provisional Government would be kings.

SECRECY OPPOSED. NATION SHOULD KNOW ALL. (Received Tuesday, 8.50 p.m.) While Mr O'Higgins was speaking, Mr De Valera protested against a public discussion of Cabinet secrets. " Mr O'Higgins said: "In this crisis the. nation is entitled to know everything." (Cheers.) Mr De Valera: "I have already asked'that my own proposals be regarded as confidential, until 1 bring them forW Mr Griffiths: "Ought the matter we have discussed privately during the S three da ys to be withheld from th Mr Pe O'Higgins: "Dail Eireann ought not to be asked to reject the treaty without an assurance that better terms w 1 be available. Neither honour nor m nciPle demand the flinging back of fhe people into war for the difference between the treaty and the fulfilment r Anr rights. If the King's representative acts in Ireland it will be on the advice of tlje Irish Ministers' (Cheers. >.

DE VALERA FEROCIOUS. WHY THE TREATY WAS SIGNED (Received Tuesday, 8.10 p.m.) LONDON, December JO. Tlio feature of the day's debate was Messrs Collins and Griffith's challenge against the dictatorship, which Dc \ alera is claiming. The latter, a tall, gaunt and unyielding figure, resembled Savonarola turned politician and his powerful voice quickly stirred the passions of the gathering. His whole speech was very different from Wednesday's, with no hesitations, hut hard, almost inhuman, ferocity. As he proceeded from denunciation to denun-' ciation the effect would have been comic if the speaker had not been so deadly in earnest. Mr Griffiths did not attempt flights of oratory and throughout he was plain, emphatic and dogged. Mr Griffith's best point was reading a letter from Mr Eloyd George, the date of which was not given, in whicn Mr Lioyd George cleared up certain points In the treaty. This letter pointed out that a Governor-General will be appointed similar to Canada, the Irish Government being consulted in order to ensure an acceptable selection. Regarding Ireland's liability for the public debt and her share of the war pensions, the procedure contemplated was that the British Government should submit its claims, the Irish free state to then submit any counter-claim to which it thought Ireland was entitled. Upon, this case arbitrators would decide. Britain desired Ireland to rank as the co-equal of the other nations of the commonwealth and would support her claim to a similar place in the League of Nations. The formation of a Constitution would be in the hands of the Irish Government. The letter concluded: "We propose to begin by withdrawing the military directly the articles of the agreement are ratified." Mr Collins was a great contrast to Mr Griffith and Mr De Valera. His gestures and mercurial changes- from sunny smiles to wrath recalled Mr Lloyd George twenty years ago. His confidence and sheer robustness again and again aroused ringing cheers. The sensation of the meeting, however, was Mr Barton's speech wherein he revealed, with the most dramatic effect, how the delegates faced the dreadful alternative at the fateful midnight session. "Negotiations had broken down and I broke my oath of allegiance to the republic because I believed it was the lesser evil. We tried repeatedly to get the responsibility of deciding for peace or war referred to Dail Eireann, but Mr Lloyd George, with solemnity and the power of conviction, declared the signature of every delegate was necessary or war would follow immediately. He gave us ninety minutes to decide. Gavin Dully and myself decided on a refusal, war or no war. I preferred war, but realised that I dare not accept that responsibility on behalf of the nation without consulting the nation, so I signed and am prepared to stand by my signature."

TREATY WILL GO THROUGH. (Received Tuesday, 8.25 p.m.) LONDON, December 20. An Irish trade unionist, writing to a British colleague, says: 'Don't worry, the treaty will go through all right." RATIFYING THE TREATY. THE DAIL CANNOT DO SO. (Received Tuesday, 5.5 p.m.) LONDON, December 20. The most important question raised is as to Dail Eireann's power to ratify the agreement which stipulated that the treaty must be submitted to an assembly composed of elected commoners of South Ireland. Dail Eireann does not fulfil this requirement, because it includes some Northern commoners and excludes Southern Unionists who have not sworn allegiance to the republic. If Dail Eireann approves by resolution of the ratification a properly constituted assembly will be convoyed. . . De Valera has decided to introduce his own scheme, which will further complicate the issue. The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland has issued a manifesto stating that if the Irish Free State is formed loyalists will be compelled to defend their lives and liberties, as force would be the only argument. They accepted His Majesty's Government. ORANGE OPINION. (Received Tuesday, 8.55 p.m.) LONDON, December 20. The Grand Irish Orange Lodge, in a manifesto to brother Orangemen, stated: "This meeting representative of Orangemen from all parts of Ireland is of the opinion that the socalled treaty will break up the Empire, and compulsorily deprive many loyal citizens of' their position in the Empire." > ~, „.. The "Workers of the Republic, the organ of the Irish Communists, declares that the question is not how to liberate the Irish people ifiom the yoke of the British but how to liberate millions of toilers from the lmpenal--1 ists in India, Egypt, and Africa. When these actively participated in the struggle for freedom, .when this struggle is creating such a crisis in Europe and the whole machinery of state is threatened with being sprung into the air, then the hope of Ireland will materialise, then she will deliver the the death-blow, placed as she is in the very heart of the Empire. DE VALERA PROTESTS. LONDON, December 19. De Valera vehemently declared I that if the Treaty was ratified there would be a lack of flags in Duoliu streets if the King came to open Parliament, but if a proper peace had been made, the King would have been welcomed. Answering loud cries of dissent, Do Valera declared that if they could not bring the King here as head ot a friendly nation, how, in heaven's name, could the King come as the head of an Irish Free State? The Treaty would lead to a period of international strife. The Irish people could change their minds if they desired. Until then, they should do what they said they would. The new army of Ireland's would be the King's, (cries of "No!")

BRITISH PARLIAMENT ADJOURNS. LONDON, December 19. Mr A. Chamberlain has announced that as the Government does not expect Dail Eireann's decision before Christmas Eve, it had been decided to prorogue Parliament from to-day till January 31. A SENSATION CAUSED. LONDON, December 19. There was a sensation in Dail Eireann when Mr Barton said Mr Griffith had repeatedly tried to have the issue referred to Dail Eireann, but Mr Lloyd George had insisted that they 'as plenipotentiaries must sign or reI ject. He and Mr Gavin Duffy wanted to refuse, involving war. That would have thrown the responsibility on