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NON-INTERVENTION POLICY AND SPAIN.

(To the Editor.) Sir, —In your leader on “Relations With Spain, in your 'Phiirsdny’s issue, you sympathetically survey the present state of the war in Spain ; deplore the murder being committed and the civilisation smashed; point out that the non-intervention policy pursued by | France and England has been a real, liailuro and yet yon conclude the same i [policy must be continued because of i tear of more open intervention by Italy [and Germany and consequently the I i possibility ol a European conflict. .M. I Leon Blum, us reported in a recent [cable, explained that lie initiated the ! policy ol iton-intervonlioti on the strict I understanding that signatories to the j committee would lullil the agreement. j ; l tiller pressure from the Briti-.li For- j 'jgl) Olliee. Ik- closed the IroiiGer.s of i ! France to the supply of arms to thej I legal Government of Spain, without; [waiting lor Italy and Germany to de- j ; claiv 1 hat l hey v, mild do i he same. ; j Britain hastened to follow the ex-j j ample of France. I hereby not being j neutral, hill actively favouring the re-j I hellions Spanish generals for the oh- j | viotts reason that their siiprcmuiy of ■ [ arms and munitions, due to assistance | Iroin Italy and Germany before and, in the early weeks of the te'iellimi. j Could thus he easily maintained. This; kind of neutrality, so distinctly lav- , uiiring rebellious generals against a j legal Government, was an entirely new I departure in international relations for reasons, given in official statements, that it would prevent a more general war. 'i’lie argument has not been justified by later events. It directly led to the conquest of Austria and then of Czechoslovakia and the invasion of China. The rebels were successful in the early months because of assistance in arms and ’planes from Italy and Germany. When stopped before Madrid. Franco was immediately recognised as the <le facto Government by those two countries though they were (hen members of the Non-Intervention Committee and Franco had occupied only a minority of Spain. Then more munitions were sent to Franco. Italian armies and German technicians and aeroplanes poured into conquer the Northern provinces because of their raw materials, (llerr Hitler openly gave this as his reason later.) Always Franco’s successes have been due to the assistance he has been given by the Fascist Powers and the munitions blockade imposed by France and England, for Franco’s Spanish forces were and are fewer than the forces of the legal Government. The million dead (on both sides') and the destruction which has occurred have been due directly to the lengthening of the war caused by the policy of the democracies. The Spanish Government has proved strong enough in man-power to defend positions, but not strong enough in munitions to attack, because the French and English embargo did not permit, them to buy their munitions, and the English Government even placed a partial embargo on food for Spain. As vour leader rightly says, “the agreement is almost a dead letter.” ft was a dead letter from the beginning and should therefore not l>e continued. The plea you make for its continuance indicates that the full consequences of recent events are not realised. Before the conquest of Austria, the sacrifice of Czechoslovakia, and the recognition of the Italian conquest of Abyssinia, some reliance could bo placed on pacts and treaties and gentlemen’s agreements. Those events demonstrate that statesmen’s words and signatures are not to ho relied on. And that judgment applies also to Mr Chamberlain and M. Daladier, for which of the smaller Powers will now rely on promises from England or France? Germany and Italy, before the Munich Agreement, according to Mr Chamberlain, were weak in comparison with England and France and France’s allies. Now France has no allies except England. Germany acquires more and more and in two years will he sufficiently strong to be the real master of Europe and will make known more demands. The reactions of Rome and Berlin to the possibility

of the opening of the French frontier demonstrate how contemptuous the Fascist Powers have become of the democracies. They can safely claim that “the breaking of the non-inter-vention agreement in favour of France is permissible for us, but the ice hit Governments of France and Fnglaiic must keep the agreement lor if they do not then maybe we will start a bigger war." For the Spanish Itepuhlicans the choice is hitter fighting on anti possible dentil or become slaves with certain death for thousands. We cannot trust the word and promises the Fascists (in spite of Mr Chamberlain's personal contacts). judging from their past promises and their actions. Fascism must have external successes or it will collapse owing to internal (itticrdt ies. .Mr Chamlierlain may buy off the bandit Powers by sacrificing smaller Powers, but tlic.'-a-l>v ih' laindits arc strengthened until tliev are -strong enough to demand ilie redivision of the British Fnipirc and the submission ol you and me. Shiah a police inav serve ihe purposes ol the economic powers behind Mr Ciiainborlaiu afraid as they are of losing their power, but it is a fea.rinl outlook lor ihe rest of us unless we wake up io what is happening, take eontro out ol the hands of the Idntilisii gentlemen and guard ourselves with mu own strength.— I am. ete.. S. J. BFXN'F.TT. I’alim-r-t on North, January If If: if.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/MS19390121.2.47.1

Bibliographic details

Manawatu Standard, Volume LIX, Issue 45, 21 January 1939, Page 6

Word Count
910

NON-INTERVENTION POLICY AND SPAIN. Manawatu Standard, Volume LIX, Issue 45, 21 January 1939, Page 6

NON-INTERVENTION POLICY AND SPAIN. Manawatu Standard, Volume LIX, Issue 45, 21 January 1939, Page 6