Manawatu Evening Standard. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1917. THE RUSSIAN TANGLE.

Manawatu Standard, Volume XLII, Issue 1018, 10 November 1917, Page 4

Manawatu Evening Standard. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1917. THE RUSSIAN TANGLE.

Russia lias produced a revolution within a revolution, and one so unlocked for in its possible results as to suggest the conclusion that the position of the great Slav nation is desperate. So fat as the war is concerned, it is now certain that the Allies cannot depend upon either the Russian army or the Russian navy, in any further offensive against the Central Rowers for many months to come, if at all. Russia has in certain quarters been regarded as ‘down and out,” ever since the Czar’s abdication was enforced by the Social Revolution that was expected to accomplish so much for the. Russian people. That it has failed to produce the results anticipated, is apparent in the march of events that hate culminated in the deposition from office, of the man who was regarded as the only possible saviour of tin* country, and the only man who could successfully pilot the nation, through the dangerous shoals and rapids of a complete change of government and constitution, during a war which threatened the very life and soul of the people. Through all the changes that have taken place since the first Provisional Govorenincnt was formed on tin* ashes of the Romanoff throne and dynasty, M. Kerensky was, up to “Wednesday, the one seemingly immovable figure, and was supposed to possess the confidence of the nation. But, if we have read the history of the last seven months aright, he has, hy his overweening ambition and failure to cultivate tin* friendship, and accept the advice, of men equally desirous with himself of placing the new government upon a thoroughly stable basis, reduced the country to a stale of chaotic disorder from which it will not easily emerge. The revolt against the Czar’s Government last .March was lull and complete. The trouble began, on the j Bth of March, with strikes in several ! munition factories, and riot ing in Retrograd on account of the shortage of food. The disturbances were temporarily quelled, but, on the 12th of March, the Czar, acting on the advice of the then Premier, M. Trepoff, who had succeeded M. Stunner, the man ' whose pro-German sympathies were impei'illing the war, suspended both the <

Duma and tho Council of the Empire. The Duma refused to adjourn and continued its sittings, and AI. Rodzianko, its President, telegraphed to tho Czar that the hour had struck, and urged him to dismiss his Ministers, amongst whom was the notorious AI. Protopopoff, who also was working in the interests of Germany. The Imperial Connell, realising the gravity of the situation, added its appeal to the Czar that he would dismiss his pro-German advisers, hut Nicholas was absent from the capital, and, whatever lie might have done under other circumstances, the march of events proved too strong lor the Emperor, who was met on his way back to Pelrograd, hv members oi the Executive of the Duma and ol the Council of Empire, and invited to abdicate. Aleamvhile a now Government had been formed in Pelrograd under the Premiership of Prince Lvoff, associated with whom were such men as Professor AJihikoff. AI. Guehko/f (a former .President of the Duma), AI. Teroslehteiiko, and AI. Kerensky. Prince I l.votf, as head and chief of the combined Crban and Rural Zemstvo Committees, was then the most popular man in Russia, and was believed to possess the entire confidence of the Russian people. Himself a Russian Slav, he was regarded as an earnest minded patriot who could be depended upon to see the country through the transition period in safety. But Germany’s agents were already at work, and, just as they had corrupted the Czar’s entourage and Ministers, so now thev set to work to undermine the new Government. A similar propaganda to that which is said to have brought about the Italian debacle, was set on foot by the AVorkmen’s and Soldiers’ Councils, or Committees. who claimed the right to supervise and control the policy of the Lvoff Government, and to revise the orders issued by tho Army chiefs. The revolution had been accomplished with comparatively little bloodshed, and, within a week of the Czar’s abdication. Prince Lvoff was able to report that everything was “in smooth running order,” and that “the bureaucratic obstacle is gone. The new Russia is before ns. The future is so brilliant that 1 hardly dare look into it.” iMOW THE COUNTER REVO UTKIN ! GREW. In a message to Russian diplomats abroad, Af. Paul Alilukoff announced that Russia would fight with the Allies until the end of the war. There followed Rrusiloff’s brilliant offensive—the last flash of warlike enterprise that the Russian troops have displayed since the Republic was inaugurated. 'The intrigues in the ranks oi the Army led, as in the Italian case, to tin l retreat and collapse of the Russian armies and, one after the other, the leading Generals resigned their commands, on account of the impotence of the new Government. The Council of AVorkmen’iand Soldiers’ delegates, after a long and bitter discussion, passed a vote ot confidence in the Provisional Government.by a small majority, and then the extremists, led by AI. Lenin, began their underground engineering against the Government. General Guchkoff resigned his portfolio as .Minister of \\ ar. and was succeeded by AI. Kerensky, and Professor Alilukoff was forced U retire from the Alinistry oi Foreign Affairs, as his policy was objected to by the Soldiers! and Workmen’s Council, which was divided in its opinions concerning the war. one section urging its continuance and the other working foi a sejmrate peace witli Germany. Tin Leninites were also active, ami mean--1 while AL Kerensky was strengthening his position. The daring he displayed as .Minister of War, with the- troops oi the Eastern fighting line, tended to increase his popularity, and it was un questionably due to his influence that tho peace propaganda, instituted by Germany’s agents (amongst whom AI , Lenin was- regarded as the chief), did • not make greater headway. Oiy AJay 16th, the Government met the Executive Committee of the Duma and tin Council of Workmen’s and Soldiers delegates, and agreed upon a basic pro gramme, including the continuance ol tho war. But the representations math by tho latter body necessitated tin reconstruction of the Alinistry, and, it the new Cabinet, Prince Lvoff fount - himself saddled with five Socialists, hi/ 1 position and authority being thus sen ouslv weakened. The reorganised Cabi net on Alay 19th declared itself a unit - for general peace only, hut adopted tin “no annexations and no indemnities’ policy, dictated to it by the Socialists This weakening on tho part of the Government evidently inspired tho malcontents to further action and thus, early in June, tho Kronstadt Committee oi the Workmen's and Soldiers’ Council repudiated the authority of tho Government and decided to assume control of Kronstadt. The Committee surrendered a few days later ,hut within the following week certain agitators declared that the declaration of independence was still in force, and it was not until steps were taken to arrest AI. Lenin, who was denounced as a traitor, in the pay of Germany, that the Government was able to re-establish its authority. .Meanwhile, German agents were still active in the country, and Robert Grimm, a Gcrman-Swiss Socialist, whe had been engaged in a new peace propaganda, was expelled from the country., Strikes were still occurring in Petrograd, and AI. Konovaloff, Alinistcr ot Commerce and Trade, had resigned, owing to differences of opinion with AI. Skohcleff, Alinistcr of Labour, the man who declared at the recent Moscow Conference that Russia must have a separate peace. Trouble came later, in tho conflict between the Government and the Alaximalists, whose activities in July compelled the Government to place Petrograd under martial law. Prime Lvoff’s resignation of the Premiership followed, and AI. Kerensky succeeded him. Under the new regime things went from had to worse, so far as the army was concerned, and the clash that- occurred between the brilliant General Korniloff and Af. Kerensky, which ended in the arrest of the former, was really due to Korniloff’s anxiety to re-establish discipline in tho army, which had Imen completely undermined by the Workmen’s and Soldiers’ delegates. Kerensky failed to support the men who would have re-established order in Russia, and he is paying the penalty to-day in his enforced retirement. The Petrograd revolt does not, however, necessarily mean the retirement of Russia from the war. It possibly implies, for Russia, the far greater danger of a Civil War, raging side by side with an outside enemy offensive. Of President JVotsky, who seems to have assumed charge of affairs in Petrograd, little or nothing has been heard hitherto, and it may he that he will reign merely as the creature of a day or two, to vanish into obscurity, as so many others have done since tho Revolution began in .March last. =======