The Marlborough Express. PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING. TUESDAY, MARCH 21, 1911. ARBITRATION DREAMS.

Marlborough Express, Volume XLV, Issue 67, 21 March 1911, Page 4

The Marlborough Express. PUBLISHED EVERY EVENING. TUESDAY, MARCH 21, 1911. ARBITRATION DREAMS.

lAt first 'sight it would seem to be an excellent start for a movement in favor of international peace were the United States and 'Great Britain to come to some such understanding as that put forward by President Taft on on* side of the Atlantic and Sir Edward Grey on the other. It would, however, we;: believe, be a great mistake to imagine that a general arbitration treaty between the two nations would be of any immediate service in bringing about international disarma--ment. The probabilities of war. between America and Great Britain are so-.remote, so few questions of really great rcoroent are likely to crop up upon which there would be serious dispute between the two countries, that the signing of an agreement for general arbitration by the Cabinets of London and Washington would leave things pretty much as they are. It is only when arbitration is agreed upon by nations . which have great ambitions at grave variance with those ot other nations that arbitration can be of any real value. Unless oil the Great Powers of ' the world rgree to submit each and every dispute to arbitration, the^ blissful day n'hen arn>ies and navies shall be no longer required is as far off as ever. Already what to our mind is the-only way in which universal international arbitration'1 can be brought about is declared by Sir Edward Grey to form no part of' the proposed treaty with America. Tho Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has "explained that he did' not intend to convey the idea that a general arbitration treaty betweeu two great nations was tantamount to a defensive alliance." Now what, does this mean? Simply that the position remains as it is, and that there is bo good reason for the International Arbitration League, and the Peace Society, and the Free Churches to jump to the conclusion that a great step towards universal arbitration and universal peace is to be taken. Unless an arbitration treaty between America and Great Britain means- a defsriisiv© ;alliaii6e, what" practical good will be effected? These two States have very little, if anything, left to quarrel about. But there are other States- whoso foreign policy might only too possibly seriously menace the peace of the world. To put the matter plainly, an arbitration treaty* which does not include Germany, Austria, and Russia—and Japan—seems to us to be absolutely worthless. At any moment a question might arise which might develop into a casus belli, in which Great Britain and Germany would be involved. Of what use would be an Anglo-American arbitration treaty of what use', that is, in preventing war—unless America and Great Britain could 'unite and say "war must not be; this dispute must be referred to 1 'arbitration.? It is quite possibly that tho German element in the United States may be so strong as to prevent: President Taft from committing tfc* United1 States to a defensive alliance; and there are other elements in America which would be antagonistic to an arbitration treaty, with Great Britain should it have such a tag But without such an alliance it is difficult to. see how the treaty woiild "mitigate the expenditure on armaments." . After all is said and done it would be as easy for a nation to disagree with tho finding of an arbitration court as with the views expressed by the Cabinet of another nation, ana how can we have compulsory arbitration without the means of enforcing compulsion? ; President x^t s pious hope that "other nations will follow tho lead of Great Britain and that it will lead to universal peace is a very beautiful sentiment; but until the Great Powers of Europe come to a solemn agreement upon certain most important and difficult questions of mutual foreign policy it is difficult to see what hope there is or any international arbitration sysj & rovi.nS workable. . Are Germany and Russia, for instance, prepared to come to an agreement concerning th« Baltic provinces and Denmark ? Is prepared to give guarantees that she will not seize the mouths or the Rhine and the Scheldt? Wil<: Austria define—and get Germany and iurkey to agree to the definition—the ultimate bounds of her territorial n iu lons m % Balkan States? With ail these questions the United States 5 +t Dtlma, tely ™nce™e*; Hut some or them are fraught with most serious consequences for Great Britain. A few Navy scaremongers may have claimed that the British two-Power standard is dangerously low because it does not «;+iT % any American combination with a European Power; but during the last ten years there has been an over-growmg feeling on. both .sides of the Atlantic that war between America and o reat Britain would Tea lolly and a crime unparalleled in the history of the world, and Great SfiL 4!^ qi^f as much ™ she is justified financially in doing, in gomg no further in her naval lament than the two-Power standard sTor, nfm Can *«<*"* ** the conclusion ot a general arbitration treaty between^Great Britain and America; but that such a treaty is likely to diminish the annual Navy Estimates or either country by one penny we ao_ not believe for ia moment. It is "ot *rom across the Atlantic, but the North Sea that Great Britain looks for a future disturbance of the world s peace, and until Germany and Austria come into line with the

United States all talk of. universal arbitration being brought about is futile tod foolish. So far as Great Britain is concerned, her best guarantee against being involved in war is a strong Navy, the stronger the better. Hundreds of sermons and Arbitration League speeches will not affect the' real situation.