THE SOVIET SYSTEM.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17950, 18 November 1918, Page 4

THE SOVIET SYSTEM.

Tr.r.r little has been published concerning the actual organisation of the Soviet system under ■which Russia is governed, or misgoverned, but the appearance of the Soviet system in Germany will perhaps stimulate interest in the subjeot. There is a written “ constitution,” drawn up at Moscow, to which all Soviets are supposed to conform, but their actions seem to be governed mainly by the ambitions of local strong men. The Soviets were originally composed of delegates of workers, peasants and soldiers, for ■ fighting purposes in tho revolution; afterwards they became the organs of power. They represent the dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasinto, and they recognise the political fights of no one who does not belong to these classes. The most startling ‘fact about present-day Russia is, perhaps, that the right of voting and tho right of sitting in the Soviets are specifically denied to all who employ a worker for purposes of gain, who live on the revenue of invested capital, , who are merchants, middlemen, or who are professionally engaged in a religious calling. The theory on which is based this denial of the vote and of all political rights to what have been called the “ possessing classes ” is that in a society divided into classes always the power of tho State is a dictatorship, and one or other of the classes, guiding the machinery of State, dominates the rest. This power may be concealed in normal times, but when the power is threatened all legal formalities are cast aside, and tho rulers of a country establish a frank dictatorship. This is how Lenin arrives at liia ppint of view. The proletariat conquered the bourgeoisie; the bourgeoisie conspire to restore the old order of things. Therefore capitalists and proprietors must have no say in political affairs. They must bo kept in subjugation. The actual organisation is simple. Each town or village elects j, Soviet of workers and peasants, which controls police, schools and other publie services. Groups of Soviets form re congress and a congress of all the Soviets is the supremo authority of tho ' ro-untry. This supreme congress elects % central executive of about 200 members, which is the real government. There is no president.. Rather obviously the men who framed this curious constitution aimed at what they conceived to be an act of historical justice. ' Tho workers and the peasants had been excluded for centuries from all share iri the government of the country, and now. in Russia, they govern the country, and the landowners and employers of labour are experiencing the distress ■of exclusion from the franchise. Whether this in the Soviet system adopted hi some of the German towns may be doubted, and presumably the “Soviets ” there indicated are only workers’ committees set up hastily to take advantage of the temporary confusion. Germany would scarcely tolerate Bolshevism of tho Russian typo unless its people went quite mad, but it is probable enough that there arc extremists who would be glad to adopt even the Bolshevist system of Soviets if the opportunity offered.

Tho holding of a general election in the Mother Country on an. entirely new registor while some millions of electors are under arms and abroad is in tho nature of a hugo experiment. The decision to go to the country was not dependent on the armistice. It was arrived at in August, presumably as tho result of .earnest conferences between tho Government :.:ul its supporters, and the intention was to secure a House of Commons favourable to the continuation of the coalition after tho war. Just why tho coalition should be continued is not very apparent from this distance, but the line of argument taken by the coalitionists may bo guessed- An appeal to the country on the old party lines would have meant the elimination of Mr Lloyd George, who certainly has no place now in the Liberal tabernacle; and without the Lloyd Georgo following the Conservatives might not be strong enough to carry tho elections. Tho coalition suits the Unionists very well in the meantime. They control the Government, and the only concession they have to make for that privilege and for the use of Mr Lloyd George’s namo is that, the Premiership and one or two posts in the Government have to go outside tho party. It is certain that if the Conservatives thought themselves powerful enough to gain a majority of tho scats under tho new register they would not want tho Lloyd GeoTge group with them. But tho constituencies are uncertain under the new' conditions, and party organisations are not. very efficient- nowadays, and so the coalition is to be maintained.

It will be interesting to see what use Labour makes of its opportunity. "o has notoriously been a big elemen: of pacifism, even of Bolshevism, in the congress representation during tho war, and that fact will prejudice organised Labour in tho eyes of tho masses of the people. But Labour’s main difficulty in tho appeal to the constituencies will be tho division of its own counsel-. It. seems to lack clear, sane leadership, or, rather, its leaders no longer command the unwavering faith of the mass of tho workersUnder normal conditions the December elections ought to result in a very considerable increase ip the strength of Labour in tho House of Commons, and even in a “ khaki ” election the expansion of Labour is anticipated. But the important factor is that of organisation, and tho Labour organisation can scarcely bo complete. The decision to withdraw’ from the coalition lias only just been reached, and apparently that decision lacks the support of certain of the leadors. It goes without saying that Mr Lloyd George will make a bold bid for tho support of his Labour colleagues, in tho hope of dividing Labour at the polls, and there arc signs that at least one Labour Minister will stay with him. But tho intrigue may prove a dangerous one now that Labour has officially determined to tight its own hand, and if a split does occur the strugglo will have an added bitterness.

It is a little curious to read, in tbo London files of lato August and early September, that none of the political groups wanted a khaki election. Mr Asquith and the official Liberals condemned it. Mr Arthur Henderson, who, as official Labour organiser, might have been expected to welcome the chance of improving the standing of Labour in tho House, emphatically condemned tho idea of an appeal to the constituencies this year. Tho Unionist managers were said to bo against it, and Mr Lloyd George was reported to have said that tho Government would have no time to spare for electioneeringAnd yet everyone was convinced that a general election would bo held in the autumn. Tho explanation offered by tho “Westminster Gazette” was that Lord Northcliffo had decreed the election, and the Government had to obey. This may, of course, have been a wicked party invention, but it certainly fitted tho reported facts.