NOTES ON THE WAR.
Estimates of the strength of the Czecho-Slovaks operating in Siberia and European Russia vary considerably, ranging in some cases up to 200,000, but it is extremely difficult to form any idea of the numbers. It is probable, however, that the name had been adopted loosely by most of the forces, who are rallying around tho Czechoslovaks to fight against the Bolshevik regime. The forces in Eastern Siberia are probably the strongest and best organised of the various detachments of the Czecho-Slovaks. They came from the European front. According to the Pekin correspondent of "The Times" it was arranged after the Brest Litovsk treaty that the two divisions of Czecho-Slovaks, who, after being taken prisoners by the Russians, had fought gallantly against the Austrians, should be permitted to depart. The Bolsheviks were anxious to get rid of this welldisciplined force, which might prove dangerous, and the troops themselves were eager to resume the fight against the enemy on the western front. "The two divisions are now scattered along the Siberian Railway from Tcheliabinsk eastward, en route for Vladivostok," wrote the correspondent on June 10. " They have come into conflict with the Bolshevists over the question of disarmament, and appear to have occupied the section of the railway from Irkutsk westward. Some 14,000 have arrived at Vladivostok, to the dissatisfaction of the local Bolshevists, who are anxious for their immediate shipment." Obviously the subsequent arrivals in Vladivostok increased the forces there sufficiently to overwhelm tho Bolshevik troops and take the city.
Probably the troops which were west of Irkutsk have been absorbed by the new Provisional Siberian Government, which recently issued a proclamation at Omsk, and it is now stated that another body is operating east of Lake Baikal. These evidently are endeavouring to unite with General Semenov's small force of Cossacks, which has been fighting with varying fortune in the region between the Yablanoi Mountains and the Manchurian frontier against the Bolsheviks, Who have been very largely reinforced by tho prisoner of war element. Admiral Kolchak, the ex-commander of tho Russian Black Sea fleet, has another body of Cossacks which has been co-operating with the Czecho-Slovaks in the Vladivostok region. Admiral Kolchak and General Dulov have been successful in clearing the Coast Province, but the Bolsheviks consist, in the main, of indifferent troops, and the Allied landing at Vladivostok deprived them of the big stores of munitions there, which probably arc now at the disposal of the Cossacks and Czecho-Slovaks. It seems, therefore, that the strength of the anti-Bolshevik forces in Eastern Siberia need not be very high under the circumstances, and the same remark applies to the detachments in Western Siberia. It is possible, however, that the appearance of the Allies, securing supplies of arms and equipment, would see a considerable increase in tho anti-Soviet troops. There seems to be no doubt that tho Bolsheviks have been able to count on little support in Siberia. They were able to dominate the centres of population because they alone had arms and because their opponents were hopclcssely divided. !
This was all changed by the first week in June, and it seems clear that tho Soviet proclamation on June 4 that the Cadet party was acting in concert with the Czecho-Slovaks had a wider application than was at first thought. The centre of the movement, which was nnitinrr the anti-Bolshevik factions, is tho "League for the Defence of the Fatherland and of Liberty," and the Soviet Government, in a semi-official statement, revealed the extent of this league's ramifications. " The Monarchists are in favour of an understanding with Germany which will restore tho monarchy," announced M. Lenin's followers, " while the Left wing favours the return to the alliance with the Western Powers. Notwithstanding the great divergence in the views dividing these parties, they agreed to unite on a so-called national platform, in their common effort to overthrow the power of the Soviets. The central figures behind this plot are Generals Dovguert and Savinkov. Tho strategic aim of this organisation is to isolate the Ural region from Central Russia, thereby compelling the Soviets to capitulate, owing to lack of supplies. Cossack troons, together with reactionary officers, are holding themselves in readiness in the East." This confession that even the most divergent sections of the Russian people were uniting on a national platform is significant of the Bolshevik decline, and in the light of recent events is of especial interest.
' English files now to hand have a good deal to say concerning the Madsen gun, references to which were rather frequent in the cable messages a few weeks ago. "It will be interesting to know some day," says the military correspondent of the "Daily Telegraph," "why the Madsen machine-gun, for example, was rejected in favour of very inferior weapons. The Madsen gun is superior to the light machine-guns of our Army in every important particular. It is lighter, handier, maintains a much greater length of continuous fire, does not jam, can be wielded by one man, and, indeed, used as an ordinary rifle, since it only weighs 151 b. It is not feasible to rearm the British infantry with this weapon before their next big battle but no time should be lost in using those which exist and in setting up the plant for their" manufacture. For infantry in reduced numbers and brief training the possession of the best possible machine-gun is an absolutely vital matter. With clumsy guns, which jam at tho crisis of the enemy's attack, troops lose their confidence, and may retire prematurely. Armed with weapons which can sweep their front with the deadly certainty of a scythe in the grass, the staunch British Foot can be counted upon to hold their ground to the last gasp. The tendency is more and more to resort to machine-guns. Whether these tactics are the best or not, these weapons cannot now be dispensed with, and we must have the best we can get for our. men. Similarly, other armament and services should be overhauled and inspected with a view to improvement. But there is a tendency in some circles to resent all change."
The Farmers' Union Conference received from Mr Massey yesterday tho following reply to a cable endorsing the attitude of Mr Massey and Sir Joseph Ward respecting the captured German colonies:—" Thanks for teegram. In my opinion there need bo no anxiety as far as the British Government "is concerned, though there may be difficulty at the Peace Conference-"
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Bibliographic details
Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17859, 3 August 1918, Page 8
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1,080NOTES ON THE WAR. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17859, 3 August 1918, Page 8
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