IRISH PROBLEM.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17230, 26 July 1916, Page 7

IRISH PROBLEM.

THE HOME KULE QUESTION.

STATEMENT BY MR ASQTJITH.

BILL NOT TO BE INTRODUCED.

SETTLEMENT ARRANGEMENTS

BREAK DOWN

By T«l«gwph—Pre€B Association—Copyright.

Eeutor'e Telegrams.

LONDON, July 24. In the House of Commons, Mi- Asquith announced that the Government did not propose to introduce the Irish Home Rule Bill, as there did not appear any prospect of a substantial agreement among all parties. Mr Asquith's announcement regarding the Irish Bill was in reply to Mr Redmond's inquiry if the Government intended to depart from the terms of tlie" agreement-contained in.Mr Lloyd George's proposals, or to insert proposals at variance with the agreement without consulting the Nationalists. Mr Asquith" pointed out that the agreement was subject to the approval and revision of Cabinet. In this connection two questions emergled. The first was the form of Ulster's exclusion. All parties agreed that the inclusion of Ulster should not be automatic. The Government did not do more than make that sure. Secondly, after a full examination the .members of the Government felt they could not themselves agree or expect the House to 1 agree that the full number of Irish members should be retained in the Commons after an election except where the consideration of. Home Rule or an amending Bill was concerned. Mr J- E, Redmond thereupon moved the adjournment of the House, to call • attention to the rapidly growing unrest in Ireland, and to the fact that the Government does not propose to carry out in their entirety the terms submitted for a temporary settlement.

THE DEBATE.

MR EEDMOND'S STATEMENT GROUND FOR IRELAND'S DISTRUST. WILL OPPOSE CABINET'S BILL AT EVERY STAGE. Australian and T/IJZ. Cable Association. (Received July 25, 8.50 p.m.) • LONDON, July 25. Mr Redmond, moving the adjournment, said that he wished to make a dispassionate statement, of the facts. After Mr Asquith's return from Ireland and Mr Lloyd George's negotiations, everyone was thrilled by the hope that the Irish question would be. put.out. of the way until the war was concluded. Mr Lloyd George's proposals were in no sense his or Sir Edward Carson's proposals. The Government two months ago, had urged the necessity for quick I decision.' The agreement was, in the words of Mr Asquith, for a provisional settlement until the war was over. That ,was the chief feature of the plan, without which neither he nor his colleagues •' wpukl have considered it. The agree- , ment was plain and unmistakable that ■■■■• the amending Bill should remain in force during the continuance of the war and a year afterwards. When Sir Edward Carson objected that the six Ulster counties would thus automatically come into the Home Rule Act if Parliament took no steps within a year after the war ; the Nationalists assented to the addition of a provision that the duration of the amending Bill should be extended by Order in Council until Parliament dealt with the six counties. The Nationalists had no*desire to coerce any Ulster county which objected to Home Rule, hut never contemplated the idea that this great question would be foreclosed and settled now. Another fundamental proposal was that during the period of transition the number of Irish members of. the House of, Commons should not be reduced. " The very day I returned to London, I was faced by Lord Lansdowne's proposal that a clause should be inserted in the Bill froviding for the full maintenance of mperial authority over the Army and * Navy. I thought that this matter was fully covered by the 1914 Act, but rather than break down the agreement I absented to a declaratory clause of the kind Lord Lansdowne desired. I believed that all obstacles to the immediate introduction of the Bill had been removed, but like a bolt from the blue came Lord Lansdowne's speech in the House of Lords declaring that the Bill would make certain structural alterations in the 1914 Act- which would be permanent and enduring. Some days later I received an extraordinary message from the Cabinet, that a number of new proposals would be brought forward, and when I asked the nature of the proposals I was informed that Cabinet did not desire to consult me until an agreement was reached. I received the next communication on Saturday, when Mr Lloyd George and Mr Samuel requested me to call at the War Office. They «aid that Cabinet had decided to insert two entirely new provisions in the Bill. One provided for the permanent exclusion of the Ulster counties and the other cut out of the draft Bill the provision for the, attendance of Irish members in full force at Westminster during the transitory period. I was given to understand that this decision was absolute and final. The Government's action is bound to increase Irish suspicion of the good faith of British statements. If the Government introduces the Bill on the lines communicated to me I will oppose it at every stage. Henceforward Nationalists will feel it their duty to exercise .independent judgment, criticising the ever-increasing vacillation and procrastination which seems to form the entire policy of the Government, not only in reference to Ireland, bat to the whole conduct of the war."

ME LLOYD GEOEGE.

HOPEFUL STILL.

ANY ARRANOEMENT SHOULD BE

PROVISIONAL.

Mr Lloyd George said that Mr Redmond's narrative was substantially accurate, except in one or two particulars. Ho hoped that -the agreement had only brnkoh down temporarily. (Nationalist laiuhlcr.) "It would be

disastrous if in the middle of a great war we should be diverted from giving cur whole energies to the prosecution of the war by tbo necessity to discuss matter of domestic strife. I agree with Mr Redmond that tho arrangement should be provisional and that the whole situation should be reviewed at the end of the war, when it was contemplated"that a conference, representing the whole of the selfgoverning dominions, should discuss the tinal settlement, not that that coherence should deciders only the Imperial Parliament could decide tho matter, but that wo should have the assistance of tho experience of the colonies. It was also made perfectly clear that the Ulster counties should never be automatically included." (Nationalist cries of No! No!) -, ± Mr Lloyd George: That was in accordance witli the terms JMr Asquith announced in the House ot Commons. • - Mr Redmond: The intention of all of us was that the provisional arrangement should remain iu existence until a permanent settlement was finally determined. Mr Lloyd Georgo went onto saythat under no conditions were the six Ulster counties to come under tho Home Rule Government against their will. Iho present agreement had fallen through, not because of any difference in substance, but because Miey could not arrive at a form of words which would enable the agreement to be carried out. Mr Redmond interjected: Why not put the form of words approved by ourselves and Sir Edward Carson into tho Bill? Mr Lloyd George: There is a. great difference between drafting a form or words on foolscap containing the heads of settlement and drafting an Act of Parliament. Referring to the Irish representation at Westminster, Mr Lloyd George admitted that this head of settlement had been departed from. , This bad been done because the Unionist members of the Cabinet found it quite impossible to support a proposal which maintained Irishmen in undiminished numbers in the Imperial Parliament After a "general election they might make all the difference between a Liberal and a Unionist Government. (Loud Nationalist cheers and cries of "This is patriotism and No-Party. What about the war now?") t _, ■ Mr Lloyd George continued: The Unionists said that this would be most unfair. I have never deviated from the cardinal point that the Ulster counties must be definitely struck out of the Home Rule Act. If a subsequent Parliament desires to put them in again with the goodwill of Ulster or by coercion, the Parliament can do so. Nationalists know the unanimous decision of Cabinet now. It would' be a good day for Ireland if Mr Redmond and myself were to shake hands on the floor o*f the House—(loud cheersl-Jmt if this is done there must be no idea of coercing Ulster. Let Ulster be bod)ily struck out of the Bill and let the Nationalists win over Ulster if they can.

SIE EDWAED CARSON.

IRISH QUARRELS SHOULD CEASE.

Sir Edward Carson said" that he felt that the coercion of Ulster was impossible when Ulstermen and the Dublin Fusiliers had died in the trenches side by side. He would have been a faithless citizen and a faithless son of the Empire if he had refused to enter into negotiations. "I am quite sure that at the end of the war we shall have had enough of fighting and will have to consider the great questions of the reconstruction of the whole Empire and the whole basis of society. There will be financial difficulties so grave that I do not like.to contemplate them, and it will enormously increase our difficulties if the old Irish quarrels are reMr W. O'Brien taunted the Redmondites with running away from the substance of their agrement owing to Irish pressure. Ireland would never forget that the Redmondites had agreed to separate the six richest and most historic counties and one-third of the whole population. If the plot had succeeded', it would have been the death sentence of the constitutional movement in Ireland.

THE PRIME MINISTER.

APPEALTO THE REDMONDITES. Mr Asquith acknowledged the loyal and patriotic attitude of tho Nationalists during the war, and then he adv dressed the Redmondites directly: " You have the opportunity, with the consent of all the members of the Coalition Government, of bringing Home Rule into immediate operation. Are you going to throw away that opportunity? That is the question. The war has united all parties in a common desire to concentrate all our energies upon the success of our arms, and'has made Irishmen of all shades of opinion look with nausea and disgust upon the possible recurrence of internecine strife. Contrary to all the wishes and all the prepossessions of my Unionist colleagues, I agreed that Home Rule should come into immediate operation if part of the agreement Was that the six counties should be excluded. I consider the exclusion of the six counties the greatest give and ta.ke arrangement ever made in political history." Mr Asquith said he would ask the House, and, if necessary the country, whether the Government's proposals were not fair. As an ardent Home Ruler, he begged the JNationalista not to break off the negotiations. On behalf of the Government, he repeated Sir Edward Carson's appeal not to allow the present opportunity to slip away. It -would redound to Ireland's good and promote the strength and safety of the Empire. Mr Redmond's motion was negatived.

A SERIOUS RUMOUR.

LLOYD GEORGE OFFERED

TO RESIGN.

PRIME MINISTER MAY FOLLOW,

Reuter's Telegrams. (Received July 26, 12.55 a.m.)

LONDON, July 25. /

The .."Daily News" says:—lt is stated that Mr Lloyd George has offered to resign in view of the Irish controversy. It h understood that Mr Asqtiith's attitude if Mr Lloyd George resigns is that he will consider himself bound to resign also. The matter is not being discussed, but the situation of fhe Coalition Government is not improved.