Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

AMERICAN VIEW.

ENDORSES BRITAIN’S WAR. COMMENTS OF NEWSPAPERS. In view of the Kaiser’s special appeal to tho American people for sympathy it is interesting fo road what the representative American journals had to say on the outbreak of the war. Tlio American citizen who in the crowd before Buckingham Palace cried out to King George, “ New York is with you,” dd net misrepresent the feelings of this country, wrote the New York correspondent of “ Tho Times’’ on August 4. The sentiments of America as reflected in the Press and ol ewhore aro overwhelmingly on the side of Britain and her allies. Sir 15. Grey’s speech and tho certainty it gives that England will do her duty in this crisis of tho world’s civilisation have evoked most impressive expressions of enthusiasm and approval. The American Press holds the German Emperor has proved himself the enemy of civilisation, and it does not hositnto to say so in the strongest terms it can command. The “ Chicago Tribune” decorates its article cn the Kaiser’s invocation of Divine assistance with the single word “ Blasphemy.” The’“New York. Times” gives'its complete editorial endorsement to tho words of the Paris “ Temps ” that Russians. Frenchmen and Englishmen must stand unite-d against “the powers of brigandage.” In this war, says the New York “ World,” Germany and Austria have no sympathisers oven among the neutrals. It continues: — “ The enlightened opinion of the whole world has turned against tho

two . Kaisers as it turned against Napoleon when he sought to make himself autocrat of Europe. Gorman autocracy is isolated, but what was begun as'a war of autocracy is not unlikely to end as a war of revolution, with thrones crumbling and dynasties in oxilo. . Civilisation cannot rest at the mercy of despotism, and the welfare of mankind is not to be made the plaything of autocracy. In the vanguard of tho twentieth cqntury in most respects, Germany has straggled back to the seventeenth century. Politically tho curse of medieval government ha hung over her noblest achievements. Every impulse toward political freedom has been beaten back by the Mailed

Fist. Austria’s quarrel with Servia was no affair of tho German people. Russia’s challenge to Austria was no affair of tho German people. Yet the very fate of tile German Empire is thrown into the balance in order to halt the

march of political freedom in Eurone

Germany desires to crush, not Russian despotism, but Frencli Rcpubl'canism. Britain is compelled to make Franco’s cause her cause.” The ‘‘New York Globe,” taking note of tho numerous German protests against the attitude of the American Press toward the German Emperor, says all the charges brought against that monarch seem, from the Ameri-

c" 1 point of view, well sustained, adds:—

*' American opinion is almost solidly nrinyed against Germany as an aggressor ruthlessly plunging Europe into what looks like tho bloodiest war to

satisfy the overweening ambition of the Emperor. Hailed but a short year ago as a man of poaco in Europe, ho is now denounced sis tlio voidest firebrand of the Continent.” The “ Glol)9 ” refers to the extraordinary appeal issued by the German Embassy in London to tho people of England to remain neutral, ana says tlio Kaiser must have been ruled in his actions by the fantastic idea that England would allow,him to dispose of her allies one by one. In a second article

entitled “To tho Honour of Groat/ Britain,” tho “Globe” says Sir E. Grey’s speech will go down to history as .one of the greatest in modern; times:—

“There was no appeal to race hatred, no Jingo'sm, no claptrap. The occasion was one of tho gravest in England’s long history, and tho Foreign Secretary’s every word showed that none realised it bettor than ho. It id no wonder the House of Commions should have been roused to cheers by his masterful effort and that it should have prompted the declaration of loyal supnorb from. Mr Redmond that Ireland would stand undivided behind tho nation to the last. In a great crisis tho peoples of Great Britain always have) sunk their differences and presented a solid front to the enemy. The nation would not have lived up to its tradition, had it done otherwise this time, and, whatever tho final 'outcome, she may look back with profound gratification to the fact that she sounded tho call to) battle only after she had done everything in her power to preserve an honourable peace. The brightest lustre of British statesmanship emerges from this momentous trial untarnished.” “ England’s position is safe and sane” is tho attitude of the Plrladelphia “Ledger,” which says:—“England cannot permit her allies to stricken down in detail. She will be worthless if she strikes separately instead of in union.” The “/New York Tribune” writes:— “ The futility of the attitude taken, up bv the ultna-R.adicals and soma members of the Labour Party that England should .stand by for the present is too apparent, to appeal to many. As Sir E. Grey, justly said, Britain would suffer practically as much by sthying out as by go : ng in, sinco her commerce! would be suspended and a virtual state of war continue to exist. As a matt on of fact. Britain’s active participation; would help to shorten and thus keep down her own losses and tho losses of the world at large. Every consideration of policy as woll as lovalty to en-<v-r-p>ments seems to force Britain into tho struggle.” AN APPEAL TO AMERICANS.

The following letter, signed, John J. Chapman, appeared in tho “ Times” on Augusta:— . \> “ The Americans who have come from Germany during the past few days are the only people in England who have already experienced the awe-striking brutality of actual war. Deprived of their property, shovelled upon trains, piled ono upon another, they lay through the night, while halts were made to allow soldiers to walk over them. Tho hand of ruthless force,

which regarded neither God nor man,

j was laid on them. Every, decency of ! existing society had vanished. There ! was nothing to catch hold of. No ap- | peal to any principle or power in the ! universe remained. These travellers were penetrated by a sentiment so awful that words cannot convoy it. And in their minds arose tho thought, ‘ This is modern Germany. The armed natibn has dropped tho mask at last.’ “ No one in England yet knows what the last thirty years of German militarism really means. It is the vision of Charlemagne that has dominated tho Go Mian dynastic, development, ns it dominated the imagination of Napoleon. Franco is to be absorbed. “On reaching England we saw tho uniting 'fields, men and women playing tennis—welcome everywhere, affection, comfort, the inexpressible relief of personal safety—the kind world again. Yet wo were haunted by a terrible sentiment —namely, that England did not understand tho depth of the Continental disturbance, or the sizo and nature of the convulsion. lii any case, England is wisely holding back and husbanding her power—it is all going to bo needed. Franco now holds the fort of modern civilisation; but tho whole power of England is needed to 1 buttress her. “ As for America, our history and our policy force us to stand outside the

conflict; though every American who understands the conditions will feel the appeal so strongly as to make him almost desire to” enlist under the British Hag. That wo cannot do. But one thing we can do—namely, we can use our personal power to explain this war to Americans at homo, to the millions of our fellow citizens far away, who may think that this is an ordinary European war with which we have littlo to do—a European . diplomatic imbroglio which will settle itself. Inc understanding sympathy of one hundred million Americans is no small power in European affairs. It is for us through our influence at home to educate America. “The Americans in London are now organising to effect transportation and credit for the thousands of our countrymen who are stranded in England and on tho Continent. Wo are at this moment receiving such aid and symnathy from the British- people as is perfectly amazing, considering the crisis through which England is passing. Let us remember’ this in the near future. Let us romembor that there are greater tilings at stake than the safe return of ourselves to our country. Let us remember that the future of free government in the modern world is now being safeguarded bv the Wood and treasure of Great Rri+n’’o as it wee safeguarded by her during the era of Nnn'nleon.”

This article text was automatically generated and may include errors. View the full page to see article in its original form.
Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT19140926.2.105

Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXV, Issue 16666, 26 September 1914, Page 13

Word Count
1,426

AMERICAN VIEW. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXV, Issue 16666, 26 September 1914, Page 13

AMERICAN VIEW. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXV, Issue 16666, 26 September 1914, Page 13