LABOUR COLUMN.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXXIII, Issue 15920, 4 May 1912, Page 16

LABOUR COLUMN.

(By D.G.S.) CANTERBURY TRADES ANT> LABOUR: COTJNCn/S HAUj. Meetings for week ending Friday, May 10, 1912: Saturday, May 4t— Typographical Federation Council, special meeting; Typographical Union, special meeting; Freezing Works Union, special meeting. Monday, May 6—Painters' Union. Tuesday, May 7—Labour Representation Committee; Timber and Coalyards Employees' Union; Grocers' Union; Executive Tramway Union. "Wednesday, May B—Bakers' Executive Committee; Metal Workers' Federation; Canterbury Carpenters' Union. Thursday, AW 9—Trades Council and Execu- _ tive Committee. Friday, May 10—Amalgamated Society of Enirineers' Union; Canterbury Drivers' Union; Plumbers and Gasfitters' Union.

The question of the hour is not " Will the Labour Party obtain political power in this country?" but rather " How long will it be before that desirable consummation is realised?" On nil sides, ttne hears the feeling expressed that the best interests of the community are dependent npon the rapid qualification of tho Labour Party, for th©\ administration of Government. Relentlessly, the party is pressing its claims upon public attention, and overcoming the opposition of reactionary and revolutionary alike. Concerning the latter, there is ample evidence that their attitude only inspires disgust in tho public mind, while the former is rapidly passing into the limbo of forgotten tlnugs. The decision of the Hon G. Fowlds to join the Labour Party has created the greatest possible interest, and this event, taken in conjunction with the election of Messrs M Laren and Holland to the Mayoral chairs of Wellington nad Christchurch, indicates the remarkable growth of'the Labour sentiment. To be candid, in the opinion of- the present writer the growth and development of the Labour sentiment will rapidly outstrip the organising capacity of the party itself unless great keenness and energy aro displayed.

In replying to the toast of his health at the very successful social hold in Wellington, during the pros-reps of the Unity Conference, Professor Mills ppid a generous tribute of praise to the work done by the men who have been fighting for Labour ideals in this country for many years past. But while that tribute is well deserved it is, nevertheless, extremely fortunate that the Professor came to this country and devoted his splendid ability to tho work of creating an organisation that is extensive enough to include all those whose material interests are "suffering under the operation of the present system of exploiting labour, and those also whoso sense of justice is stronger than their material interests. Concerning this last matter it is a credit to human nature that all the great working-class organisations of the world contain in their ranks men whose material position is such that they have nothing to gain from a reconstruction of society in accordance with working-class ideals, but the approval of their own consciences. Thus, if the United Labour Party adopted the attitude which some alleged advocate's of the workers' interestswould have it take ur>, namely, that of e-clnding professional workers and employers of labour, we wonld be adopting a policy rejected by every other work-ing-class party in the world.

Whenever a truly democratic party arises in this country—a party pledged to definite principles which it believes in and which it is prepared to fight for —it 6hall have my whole-souled support.—Hon G. Fowlds. These words were used by the Hon G. Fowlds, in tendering his resignation as a member of the Ward Government on September 5, 1911, and he has now made them good by throwing in his lot with the Labour Party. s A few evenings ago, at a great inaugural meeting held at Auckland—at which, incidentally, Professor Mills effectively silenced the rowdy revolutionary elements—Mr Fowlds criticised his late colleagues upon their go-slow and indefinite policy. He has also declared his intention of touring the dominion in the interests of the party, and he will speak at the Earlv Settlers' Hall, Dunedin, on Thursday, May 9. Later on he will come up to Christehurcli. and members of the local branches of the Labour _ Party are at present arranging halls and dates of meetings. Another matter of interest is that Mr Fowlds, according to advico I have from Auckland, formed his committee into a Radical Club under_ the United Labour Party's constitution. I seo no reason why men like Mr M'Combs and Mr Isitt, whose platforms are identical in substance with that of the Labour Party, should not follow a similar course.

The "United Labour Party up the position that society is organised at present upon a wrong economic basis, namely, tha carrying on of production for profit. This system gives rise to the concentration in the hands of an ever-diminishing number of people of all the instruments of production and exchange. Y/ithoufc the use of these things, people cannot live, hhov cannot anply their labour power. It therefore follows that for the great mass of the people who do not own these necessary things, the only way in which they can produce tne things necessary to their existence is by selling their labour to some person who does own them. But the only terms upon which the owner of land or machinery will buy labour power—that is, the only terms upon which the capitalist will employ the worker—is that the worker shall work part of his time for nothing so that the other part shall be devoted to the production of profit—for the employer-. Having accumulated a certain amount of profit, the employer will purchase more land, more machinery, more labour power, which he will use to produco still more profit. Then when you remonstrate » ; ith him (the capitalist) and tell him that his system of exploitation is immoral he 'will indignantly ask whether ho is not entitled to '-'interest" upon his . " invested capital," ignoring the fact that his "invested capital" is but the " unpaid labour of Jus workers, and consequently has no moral claim for " interest." Having analysed the economic position, tho Labour Party proposes remedies. It proposes to transfer the ownership of the _ machinery of production, from the individuals who at present own them—but only in so far as they are at present used as instruments of exploitation—into the hands of the community, so that all the talk about the household sewing machines and fowlruns misses the pointT But while the party is educating the public up to its own ideal, it does not propose to neglect the practical questions of the hour. In the fight that is being waged by the producers of wealth, and the oommunity generally, against the monopolists, the position of the former can be strengthened, ■and. the latter weakened, by the carrying of certain reforms. These include the taxation cf exorbitant wealth, either in land or more liquid securities, and the using of tho proceeds for • the General benefit of the people in any direction, such as the providing of free education from the primary school to the university, the establishment of State industries that will reduce the monopolists' profits, and also the people's cost of living; the establishment by law of a legislative minimum wage; the creation of a State-ferry and-coastal shipping services; State distributive agencies; and many other things that will strengthen the exploited in their conflict with the exploiters/ But be- , fore we can effectively carry out the things enumerated,- the necessity for

strengthening the people's control of Parliament is forced upon our attention, and so wo propose such things as proportional representation, the initiative and referendum, and other reforms. Tho work is long and heavy, but nevertheless tho noblest which ever c;'l!ed forth the energies of man or woman.

" Tell my Labour friends that they have a divine opportunity in this country if they will only recogniso the religious element and lift the movement to its higher plane." T. E. Taylor's last message.