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THE STATE AND LABOUR.

If our Government, like drat ot M. Ribofc in Prance, were to propose a “graduated tax on domestic servants,” wo should have all the Opposition newspapers denouncing it for seeking to tax a most deserving and hardworking class; and when the fallacy o£ supposing that the tax would fall upon the servants was exposed, it would then ba contended thafj the Government policy had a distinct

make employment scarce. That, in fact, was what was said regarding the graduated land tax, which was first of all represented as an unjust impost on a depressed industry, and then as a vexatious tax on the large landowners, who would he compelled to curtail their operations in consequence. Of course, Tboth assertions have been proved to be false. The land tax has been a relief to the agriculturist, though that relief has been neutralised by the fall in prices, and no sensible person was ever deceived by the pretence that men who made a profit byemployinglabour would reduce the number of their workers with a view to increasing their profits. So, the proposed tax on domestics, rising on a graduated Beale, according to the number employed by each person, will be found fn practice to he a simple means of placing the burden of taxation on the shoulders of those best able to bear it. - 'And even should the imposition of auch a tax lead to a reduction in the number of domestic servants employed, there will not be wanting Radical reformers in France to declare that such is a good thing for the community, as the practice _ of giving or exacting personal services for pay is destructive of manly and I womanly self-respect, is inimical to ' self-reliance, and is generally demoralising in its tendency. In this connection the Republican Government of France is showing itself fully alive not only to the interests of the workers, but also to the importance of maintaining the dignity of labour. This was forcibly exemplified about two months ago, when the employes of the State match,, factory at Paulin struck against what they alleged was a reduction of wages. In a debate that took place on the subject in the Chamber of Deputies, a member of the Ministry said:— i- The State ought to respect the dignity of workmen just as it requires them to respect the principles of authority, I therefore invited the directors of the Pantin Match Factory not to forget that workmen have the same sense of dignity as all of ns. It has been said that I received the workmen's delegates with friendliness. I could not receive otherwise representations which were made with courtesy. In view of the dispute as to whether wages had decreased or not there was but one bourse to take—namely, a joint verification of the facta. * * * We are about to verify the disputed point with the workmen. Hear them patiently, and see whether they are right. Both sides have appointed delegates, and if they cannot agree I shall decide the question impartially- If the workmen are in the right wages will be increased. This is the way in which I understand the relations between the State and its workmen, and we shall thus set a grand example of social pacification. These are noble words, and it increases our admiration of the French people as a whole to learn that the Chamber unanimously rosolved that a part of the Minister’s ; remarks should be placarded all over the country, as a lesson to employers -and their workmen on the subject of industrial conciliation, The Government of France has done much more than set an example in this matter. It has demonstrated how utterly fallacious are the assertions that State employment of labour would be either a tyranny or a debilitating system, of " coddling I it has proved that the private employer has no claim to a monopoly of fair or benevolent dealings ■with workmen; and it has reminded the world at largo that other than merely monetary considerations enter into the relations of employer and employed. At the very moment the French Government was taking the enlightened and pacific course described, private employers in England—a combination of bootmaking firms—were attempting to impose injustice upon their workers, and had determined to import goods at a loss rather than submit the dispute to arbitration. "When English workingmen find their sense of justice outraged and their dignity trampled upon in this fashion, it is no wonder that they demand the expropriation of the private employer and the assumption of bis functions by the State. Wa observe that in some parts of blew Zealand the reduction of the wages of local government employes is defended on the ground that it is a "duty t 5 the ratepayers.” Possibly the reductions may be justified on grounds of equity, but the attitude of the French Government towards its mutch factory hands is fitted to remind all governments and corporations that they owe a duty to the workers aa well, and that it is a mistaken policy to pursue a course that tends to the lowering of the general standard of comfort and self-respect in the community. A tax on domestics, emanating from such a Government as that now in power in France, ia in no danger of being misunderstood by the people. • Kiwva?usne£mtfUsnaHc«f{«tnsatta

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT18950515.2.29

Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume XCIII, Issue 10654, 15 May 1895, Page 4

Word Count
890

THE STATE AND LABOUR. Lyttelton Times, Volume XCIII, Issue 10654, 15 May 1895, Page 4

THE STATE AND LABOUR. Lyttelton Times, Volume XCIII, Issue 10654, 15 May 1895, Page 4