The Lyttelton Times. MONDAY, APRIL 27, 1891.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXV, Issue 9398, 27 April 1891, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. MONDAY, APRIL 27, 1891 .

Life being, according to a bigb bnt cynical authority, unendurable but for its pleasures. Sir Harry Atkinson may be safely said to have enjoyed himself in Sydney. He had no pleasures in the social sense at all, hia medical men taking great care that he eschewed all vain delights with the stern self-denial of the anchorite of the Thehaid. Perhaps that is the reason why Sir Harry has returned so much better in health than waa anticipated by the many people who regretfully read the reports of his continuous relapses. We beg to offer him our congratulations on the improvement in his health.

The important political question with which Sir Harry’s return (and that of the other delegates) brings us face to face, is, of course, the question of Australasian Federation. Before discussing it we have to agree with Sir Harry that it is a pity New Zealand did not send seven delegates, as then seven public men would have come back to us with enlarged minds, instead of only three—an important advantage in these days of somewhat narrowing tendencies. But we owe that loss to the Legislature. The Legislature having drawn the line at three, the Government, which has to obey the Legislature strictly, could not send any more or any lees than that number. That is one preliminary observation. Another that must be made is that, in face of the tariff complication which would come upon us through the Federation gate, it would he madness to open that portal. Four hundred thousand pounds sterling is a sum we cannot afford to pay for the amusement of Federation with Australia, especially when we should have to find about .£150,000 towards the expenses of the Federal Government at its headquarters, wherever they may be. If the Australians would agree to locate the capital at the picturesque foot of Mount Earnslaw, on that fine plateau which commands such a glorious view of Lake Wakatipu; or if they were to show a preference for the picturesque city of Hokitika, which, having got tired of the memory of greatness, pines for a touch of the present form of that much-desired commodity ; or if Nelson —principally through a desire to ascertain once for all whether she be waking or sleeping—were to commend herself to their minds—in either of these events the expenditure question, we venture to think, would be set at rest. Bat the loss on the tariff would continue to he the pressing financial danger, which we could, on no prudential principle be allowed to face. Ours is not exclusively a protectionist tariff. It is a revenue tariff, to a large extent—a thing which the Freetraders never would allow when the tariff was before them. The irreconcilable, thoughtless mass of that party—which now forms the solid core of the Opposition, and furnishes it with five of its leaders was firmly determined that nothing should re-establish the public finance. The Protectionists showed them a noble example of care for the public weal by accepting a tariff to which they took exceptions in many of its details and some of its principles, in order to enable the Treasury to be filled. The calculation of the Government statist of Sydney sets the matter in its true light. If the highest protective tariff of Australasia were to be substituted for the tariff of New Zealand—every item has been calculated by competent authority the loss would be £400,000. That is one fact. Another is that the tariff of 1887 gave us in its first year, exclusive of primage and parcels post, £160,000 more than its predecessor, an increment which by March 31 had increased to £235,000. The two facts taken together prove that “Revenue” is at least aa good a name by which to call our tariff as Protection. There are in it both Protection and revenue. The Protectionists shewed their good sense by accepting the degree of Protection, for the sake of the revenue, which they felt to he necessary. The Freetraders tried to wreck the ship, so that they might avoid any kind of concession. What they would have done had they succeeded, Heaven only knows. It is a good reason for devoutly wishing they may never have the power in their hands to do the State a mischief. Neither their good sense nor their p-ood feeling would restrain them. Coming to federation, we find that the financial position does not leave us much to talk about that is practical. Of the Commonwealth Bill that has just been passed we may say broadly that, with the exception of the name, which has not escaped criticism in Australia, every question of moment has been left to the decision of the Federal Legislature. The objection to the name is that the only thing known in English history of the same name is “ a period of martial law.” We will not stop to take any notice of the narrow bigotry which in the new world actually pretends to see no difference between the great civil war of our history and the outbreak of the shearers at Barealdine; for the man who can see nothing but martial law in the great story of the Commonwealth can see nothing anywhere. Such a man is past both praying for and arguing with. For the rest, the Federal Legislature will have to deal with two great questions at once —the federation of the public debt and the establishment of responsible government. The latternamed it may bo expected to do at once; Sir Harry’s deposition to that effect leaves no room ;£or any sort of doubt on that

point. When the former question was mentioned in the Convention it met with the most violent opposition. Bat we have heard from a reliable source that in the lobbies of the Convention opinion was coming round very fast to the necessity for federating the public debts. The Australasian, in a recent issue, mentioning the attempt of the Tasmanian representatives to get the debts federated, is content with merely mentioning that the question is open for the State Legislature. There is no sign of any determined hostility. A great deal has been written about the Senate and its powers over Money Bills. But these and all other questions will not be profitable subjects of discussion, until the Federal Legislature has federated the public debt of the several Colonies.