THE COLONIAL TREASURER AT THE ODDFELLOWS’ HALL.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXVII, Issue 8148, 20 April 1887, Page 3 (Supplement)

THE COLONIAL TREASURER AT THE ODDFELLOWS’ HALL.

On Wednesday evening, the Hon Sir Julius Vogel addressed his constituents in the Oddfellows’ Hall, to the following effect: — Sir Julios Vogel commenced with a warm tribute to the late Mr Macandrew, whose loss he considered a calamity to the Colony. THE LAST SESSION was a very useful one. As an example, he would refer to the consolidation of the Acts relating to Municipalities and to those relating to Counties. A large number of Acts, conflicting with each other in many respects, were consolidated in these two measures, and they would prove a great boon to all who took part in the government of the towns and country districts. The Native Lands Administration Act was a realisation of an idea that had been welcomed for more than ten years. The Government preemptive right to the purchase of Native lands had worked badly, and the abandonment of preemptive rights had worked still worse. The happy medium was the one now adopted. The Natives may sell through the Government or to the Government, but not direct to Europeans. He could not avoid a reference to the controversy that was continually going on as to the relative share o£ merit due to Mr Bryce or Mr Ballance for the happy condition of Native affairs. Mr Bryce’s warmest admirers seemed now inclined to cease to carp at Mr Ballance’a proceedings, and to substitute instead a desire to claim for Mr Bryce the merit of what M r Ballance had performed. He (Sir Julius Vogel) considered Mr Bryce was a very able man, and possessed of a very strong character. His great misfortune was the want of a sympathetic disposition. He remembered when Mr Bryce, without any preparation or pr» tension, astonished the House with the first set speech he made. It was years ago, but the memory was still in his mind of the thrill of admiration that ran through the House, and of the predictions that were expressed of Mr Bryce’s future. But whatever Mr Bryce’s abilities might he, it was quite impossible that he could have done what Mr Ballance had, for Mr Ballance possessed the confidence of the Natives to as remarkable an extent as they distrusted Mr Bryce. Perhaps in order to appreciate the benignant sway of Mr Ballance, Mr Bryce’s harsh rule was a necessary antecedent, just as a person took sherry and bitters to make a good dinner more enjoyable. It must not be supposed, however, that Mr Ballance was wanting in. firmness. Although it was his nature to be sympathetic, he was determined when occasion required it, as was witnessed by his treatment of Te Wbiti. THE LOCAL BODIES LOAN ACT, and the Government Loans to Local Bodies Act passed last session were admitted to be most valuable measures. He was able in. these Acts to remedy many defects in the system of local borrowing. These loans would enable many local bodies to do many useful works otherwise impassible. He had always contended that local bodies must he left independent. Although they might make some mistakes, the very fact of their responsibilities Cut'S thaw defects, and the people most interested, who were disposed to neglect their duties, ffsuld abandon the attitude of ind/ffcrenwL when they saw they might suffer front it. Both Acts requiied mending in some particulars. He took no blame for it, lor he stated in the House it would be the case. It would be impossible, whatever the care might be, to finally deal with two such measures in one session. So distrustful was he of the possibility of avoiding mistakes that he provided in the Bill that local bodies might use the Acts only for ■ special purposes, without finally adopting them. The great blot, however, which remained was forced on the Government. He alluded to the provision which made it necessary to have an absolute majority of all votes exercisable. By this plan all those who did not vote —absentees and dead men —were made to vote in the negative. Both in practice and principle, he contended, this was very improper. It gave excessive power to the drones, who did not exert themselves in the way ot helping local government. The Upper House, however, was firm aud to allow any modification. The First Offenders Probation Act was another very valuable measure. It was hard to realise the difficulty there was n getting the Midland Railway Bill through. It had given Mr Richardson and himself great trouble in the way of revising the contract during the recess, but he would refer to this subject later on. A great deal was said about his having voted against THE REPRESENTATION BILL. He opposed the Bill because, to have carcarried it last session, the Government would have had to depend mainly on the organisation of the Opposition. He did not believe that the Opposition would have supported the Government when the Bill came into Committee, and from what had transpired since, it appeared that whilst the Opposition had wished to get the Government to go on with the Bill, they meant to turn it inside out if they had the chance in Committee. Further, he did not consider that the information afforded by the census returns then published was sufficiently full to enable members to arrive at a conclusion of the way in which the Bill would work; and, again, he felt there was not time to pass such an important Bill. The most that members would have consented to was to have given up seven or eight days for the purpose. He wished there should he no doubt on the subject. He (the speaker) would do his utmost to get the Bill passed next session. It would come before the House well considered, and somewhat altered with regard to defining the consideration to he shown to sparsely-peopled districts. There was, in his opinion, an honourable engagement which bound the Government to endeavour to pass the Bill, The present Representation Bill was made to expire in December. The intention of so limiting the time was to bind the Government of the day to bring forward an amended measure after the census of 1886. It was said that the readjustment of representation would be more advantageous to the North than to the South Island in the present stage of their development, hut an engagement was an engagement, and, whatever was the result, he would endeavour to fulfil it. He thought, however, in this case, as in most cases, honesty would prove to be the best policy. He asked his hearers had they any doubt as to the ultimate progress of Canterbury, he say of the Middle Island ? It was quite °clear that if they, for fear of the result, refused to carry out the present engagement, they would have no chance in future, when their own development might entitle them to a much larger increase than what the present Bill could possibly giveto any portion of the Colony. He contended that a measure which would automatically give from time to time fair representation to the districts as they were improved by the industry and enterprise of the settlers, could not fail to be beneficial to the portion of the Colony in which the electors of Christchurch were interested, as well as to all parts of the Colony which offered inducements to industry and settlement. He would not dwell on cable questions further than to say that throughout the long and troublesome negotiations which had taken place with regard to them* the Government had, he believed, the confidence and approval of the country. Coming to the question of FINANCE, he regretted that he was called upon to give an absolute denial to Mr Bryce’s statement that the Sinking Fund had been seized. The operation to which Mr Bryce referred was not of the character he

described by the words he used. What the House had decided to do was to allow the Sinking Fund to run on just as usual, and to create debentures equivalent to the amount of the increase in the hands of the Sinking Fund Commissioners to recoup the •Consolidated "Revenue for the large amount that was 1 being paid to the Sinking Fund Commissioners. Owing to the many years which the Sinking Fund had run, it was found that the Colony was paying out of Consolidated Revenue a very large amount for annual redemption. It was obviously folly that it should do this whilst it was at the same time borrowing. Still it had to precisely fill its engagements. It did so, and it was a gross calumny to call the operation a seizure of the Sinking Fund. He might give as an example the Drawing Loan of 1867. I he Consolidated Revenue was contributing nearly 19 par cent annually towards the payment of interest and extinction of the amount outstanding. Provision was ftlgfi made for paying off the debentures created, as he had described, and out of .£750,000 of debentures which had been created during three years, £344,000 had already been paid off. Mr Bryce was quite incorrect in saying that these provisions had affected the Colony’s credit, for when the first loan after they were brought into effect was negotiated, the Agent-General issued a paper in which he carefully described the operations, l and not only did that loan go off well, hut the loan following, issued about the same tame as loans of other Colonies, fetched a better price than the loans of Victoria, Queensland and South Australia. The fact was that Froude’s book, which had an enormous sale, certain articles in the Standard, and statements by a few -colonists, such as that he had contradicted of Mr Bryce, were used by parsons on the Stock Exchange to"bear” New Zealand stocks. He expressed a doubt last year whether the estimate of Customs revenue would be fulfilled. He was sorry to say that the receipts were £120,000 less than the estimate, and the estimate was less than the actual revenue of the previous year. He had before pointed out the reasons why the Customs revenue was falling, and in what respects it required to be increased. There was a nett loss on revenue and expenditure on railways, as compared with the Estimate, of about £70,000. Still he hoped that when the accounts were made up, the results oi the year would come out better than might be expected. As regards RETRENCHMENT. -As persons were in the habit of accusing him of being extravagant, he might point out that the Colonial Treasurer was the Minister most anxious to save expenditure. It was his business to save, it was the business of the other Ministers to spend money. Be had given the question of retrenchment constant attention since the last session, and the Government had laid the foundation for a cheaper service in future. He explained that the so-called “ circular ” Rad been misrepresented; that it had been one of several Cabinet decisions in favour of reducing the cost of the service. By omitting the opening words of the sentence —" no increase of salary to be given’'' —it was made to appear that the promoting officer would have less salary, whereas proviso was simply one to limit the amount of increase, so as not to bring it wp to the vacated office. As a professional service the Civil Service was not an expensive one ; but if length of service and other questions were not to be taken into account, the service might become much cheaper, but it would be a vehicle by which good men would be trained up to leave fer other services. Full explanation of the views of the Government would no doubt be given with the Financial statement. Meanwhile, as an evidence that the subject was not neglected, he might mention that a consolidation was proposed which, in the future., would have enormous effect. It was resolved to consolidate under one department, to be the Treasury and Inland Revenue—the departments of the Treasury, Customs, Marine, Post and Telegraph. Stamps, Property Tax, snd Land Transfer. The Minister and head officer of each branch would form a Board to meet periodically with the object nf arranging that the officers of the various branches should work interchangeably. If beyond the retrenchment with the Civil Service further retrenchment was required, they must look to the objects. The two great spending departments which did ‘not return revenue were the Defence and Education. He did not think that the country, after the last war panic, would bs inclined to relax the attention which was being paid to the DEFENCE OF THE COLONY. His view that the Education Department was too costly was well known, but be was bound to say his opinion did not seem to be that entertained by the majority of the Colonists. He regretted to see suggestions about REDUCING THE NUMBER OF MEMBERS of the House. IJe thought that it was a mistake to fix so high a number originally, but that number being fixed he thought they should hesitate to reduce it. As to THE HONOBARIUM received by members, he was sorry to see that some persons appeared to be favourable to its reduction. "When the time members gave in and out of tbe session was considered, the payment they received must be considered moderate. It was less, he believed, than given anywhere else, and the system of paying members was certainly gaining ground in different parts of the world. Unless they wished to be governed by rich people only, and relinquish their freedom and liberty, the Colonists should pause before -reducing the honorarium. Let them judge by the result. No one who had studied the debates and proceedings of the House could fail to recognise that the members as a whole were most capable, hard-working men, of whom any country might be proud. He thought Hansard was too costly, and might he reduced ; the proceedings should be more briefly reported, and Committee proceedings should not be neglected". Each member should have a certain number of pages allowed him ; perhaps a little more might be given to .Ministers and leaders of the Opposition, and beyond that allowance members should be charged, say, 10s per page. He next proceeded to deal with the borrowing policy. First he explained what took place last year, about which so many efforts were made to establish that there was a difference of opinion in the Cabinet. It must be borne in mind that until just before last session, it seemed necessary that the Government must make some provision for the commencement of the Midland Kailway. Early in the recess previous to last session. Ministers had come to a conclusion that it would be expedient to authorise a large loan to be expended over a terta of years—say, eight or ten. Afterwards it was decided to reduce the term and the amount to a provision for four or five years, and finally it was thought better in consequence of advice from Home to deal only with the loan required for early wants, of one and a-half million. Throughout there was no difference of opinion in the Cabinet as to the policy of borrowing. Coming to the present position, the Government had before laid down the P r * nci P* e that borrowing should he guided by the natural increase of revenue, and on that footing it was evident that this was the the time for reducing borrowing. Tile funds for tbe North Island trunk lino were nearly provided; the Otago Central must proceed, as also must the extension north of Auckland, and the connections between Wellington and Napier. These were large works, and could he expedited as circumstances permitted. The railways now in hand, including the Midland, practically exhausted the lines in which large divisions of the Colony were interested. Loans would now be reduced

not only from tear of responsibilities, but because nineteen-twentieths of the Colony would hesitate to borrow for the remaining twentieth unless on strong evidence of necessity, such as for useful feeders. But borrowing could not altogether cease. There was the reading, the expenses of settlement, telegraph extensions, purchase of Native lands, and loans to Local Bodies. More or less, however, he hoped to see these obtained locally. But because they only pushed on the railways now in hand, it must not he supposed that the railways already made were not beneficial. Apart from the revenue they yielded, he estimated that for the carriage of goods alone they enriched the people by one and a-half times the gross receipts, or by about £1,000,000. The rates charged were much less than might be charged if revenue purposes were alone consulted. He would not go into the question of RAILWAY MANAGEMENT, further than to say that in his opinion, if the system of handing over to Commissioners was not adopted, he thought there should be elected Boards to hear complaints in open Court, and take evidence therein. Management by Commissioners on commercial principles might create dissatisfaction. Small users of the railways would not like to see preference given to large users, nor would "the residents near small harbours like to see rates lowered to take shipping from them. It was very difficult to decide the relative preference which should be given to revenue purposes and to helping settlement. THE LAND receipts had now become very small. It was important to remember that in connection with the revenue of the Colony. He had preferred a Land tax and Income tax to the Property tax three years since. They afterwards proposed to assimilate the Property tax to a Land and Income tax by certain exemptions for agricultural improvements and for cost of machinery. The effect of a Land tax would be different now, because the mortgagees had mostly in new contracts charged a half per cent, equal to more than a penny in the pound, extra in the way of interest, to protect themselves. The unhappy borrowers would, therefore, have to pay twice over, besides making up the amount of tax in personality. There seemed to be a growing tendency everywhere to subject personal property to taxation as well as real. AN INCOME TAX would catch professional men and men receiving salaries, but otherwise would not be productive. Whilst we must not act unfairly to capitalists, we must not be scared by complaints which were unreasonable. The speaker instanced some complaints which lately appeared in an Auckland paper made by a gentleman just returned from England. Sir Julius then went on to say that he was laying facts before his hearers. He could not draw positive conclusions from them at present. He considered that the desire which was evident to bring expenditure within revenue reflected infinite credit on public opinion. He bad not time to go into the question THE DEPRESSION. He considered its character had changed. It was made a cause of complaint against him that he was too sanguine. He had certainly, in common with many others, better judges than himself, thought the depression would wear away more quickly. No one blamed a doctor for inspiring a patient with hope of speedy recovery, if his treatment was skilful. If he (Sir Julius) had done anything to prolong the depression, or neglected anything that would have shortened it, then he would admit he was to blame. The Government had done everything to make tbe depression felt as lightly as possible. They had had an anxious time and many difficulties with which to contend. The speaker quoted some of the Property tax returns to show the Colony was progressing. Regarding the Bill for TAKING LAND FOR SETTLEMENT, Mr Ballance claimed that he had worked out a practical measure to meet a longadmitted want, which had been neglected hitherto because of the difficulties surrounding it. Mr Ballance contended that the measure would promote settlement, that the Government would be protected from imposition, and the owners be fairly and justly treated. The Bit) did not involve tbe question of land nationalisation, and there was no reason for making it the peg to hang on theories. The speaker explained his views on Land Nationalisation, and said that he was as much opposed to it, as a principle, as ever. He and Mr Ballance would bring in a Bill for giving women tbe suffrage. It would not be a Government measure. Although nothing immediate would arise out of the COLONIAL CONFERENCE, he considered it a matter of vast importance, and greatly regretted that the Premier had not been able to attend. The question of Colonial and Imperial defence would probably be tbe chief one. Whilst the Government had offered to submit to Parliament a vote in consideration of two vessels being permanently stationed on the New Zealand coast, they bad declined to enter into any arrangement which would put the Australasian Colonies on a different footing to other parts of the Empire. There had lately come under his notice some facts that greatly astonished him concerning the very large CONTRIBUTION TO THE TAXATION OF GREAT BRITAIN which the Colonies were now making. He found that the Colony had paid over £BO,OOO during the last fifteen years for stamp duties on debentures and stock, independent of the stamp duties of local bodies’ loans. But through the Income tax much larger payments were made. He estimated that on properties situated, and profits made in New Zealand, no less than £50,000 was contributed to the English Income tax this year, and this was not counting profits made in England on New Zealand transactions. He estimated that from the Australasian Colonies the English Income tax directly and indirectly derived, fell little short of half a million. He thought it desirable to submit this matter to the delegates for consideration if not in connection with any claim for return, at any rate in connection with the question of Colonial contribution to defence. The Agent-General had telegraphed his warm approval of the suggestions. He had communicated the matter also to the Colonial Treasurers of Melbourne and Sydney. The former intimated that it would be considered by the Cabinet as early as possible. He had mentioned these matters because they were somewhat new, and he was anxious they should be discussed and ventilated through the Press. He had also suggested that the question of a decimal coinage should be brought before the Conference. He bad already alluded to the difficulty in framing the midland railway contract. He felt himself at liberty to say that it was conceived in a spirit equally liberal to the Company and beneficial to the Colony. It was not yet accepted in England. He believed the directors were waiting the arrival or Mr xsroaie Hoare. He hoped to hear of its acceptance in a tew days. Its chief features were briefly that the whole of the area was made available as it was required for the payment to the Company, the alternate blocks for the Government for use for the miners, and 50,000 acres for special settlement. The great expense of unnecessary surveys would be saved, and the miners would have free and uninterrupted opportunity for prosecuting their labours, so that the land would not be taken until it was absolutely wanted for settlement, and all land found to be required by the miners would be reserved for their use. It was like giving them some years to discover the land

required for mining, instead of arbitrarily endeavouring to select it at once. in conclusion, the speaker said that he wished to lay before them food for reflection and consideration. Whilst he had not given detailed statements as to the probable Parliamentary proceedings, he had said enough to enable them to arrive at the conclusion that the measures most demanding consideration were the Representation Bill, a Bill to smooth the working of Government loans to local bodies, a Bill to promote settlement; some measures to which he had not referred relating to the criminal laws, and not least important, that the condition of the finances should be thoroughly considered, the nature of taxation reviewed, and the expenditure of the country adjusted to its revenue. QUESTIONS. A number of written questions were handed up, and in answer to them Sir Julius Yogel said that he was not able to say whether or not it was desirable to amend the fisheries regulations so as to increase the mimimum size at which it was lawful to take flounders from 9in to 12in. (Laughter.) He did not consider the question was one to be laughed at, and he would certainly bring it before his colleague who had charge of the Marino Department. If the question of abolishing the totalisator were, before the House, he would have great difficulty in knowing how to vote. In his opinion it was a monstrous thing to sanction tbe totalisator originally. (Applause.) To deliberately countenance a form of gambling so accessible, and so easy, was an extraordinary step to take. (Hear, hear.) He was not certain that it was not too late now to redress the evil—(“No”) —whether if it were repressed, some other form of gambling more difficult to repress, on account of its secrecy, might not take its place. If he might be allowed to say so, he thought we were a little too good here, there was a little too much disposition to interfere with personal liberty. No doubt the desire to gamble existed in most human beings—it was a form of speculation, but when it took such a form as totalisator gambling, an inducement to young men to rob their employees, and to some other men to neglect to pay their debts, it became a most vile thing. Still, doing away with the totalisator would not do away with horse racing or with betting. The question would be, what form of gambling would replace it. The inspection of machinery was not a matter belonging to any of his departments, and he was not aware that any clause of the Act was unworkable. If the questioner would kindly state what clause was meant, he would, however, look into the subject. (A voice : “ Clause 13.”) He believed from what Mr Richardson had said, that the picnic given at Auckland in connection with the railway workshops had been given by the men themselves, and that the only concession made by the Government was to grant their request that they might be allowed to leave work for one day, on condition that they did not receive pay for that day. _ He considered that if the men at the Adding* ton and Christchurch shops wished the same concession they should have it. He would ask his colleague about the matter. He was not prepared to pledge himself upon the question of a National Bank of Issue. He agreed with Mr Gladstone that, if we had to go through the pash over again, it would be a proper function of the State to issue bank notes; but, unfortunately, a number of banks had charters authorising them to issue notes, and there was no limit of time in these Acta. If Government were to monopolise the note issue, it would have to pay very heavy compensation to these banks, and he doubted whether the time had arrived for the step. The Canadian Government had tried it, paying compensation to the banks, but bad had, he believed, to go back to the old system. He was of opinion tbe time would arrive, sooner or latter when it would be desirable for the State to arrange for taking the monopoly of note issue in the Colony. He was speaking of a note issue based on gold and payable on demand. He would never recommend tbe Colony, with such a credit as it possessed, to issue a forced money currency, as that step would bring ruin and misery to thousands, and would be felt by none more severely than by the labouring classes. He was not able to say offhand whether the Deaf and Dumb Institution at Sumner could be conducted more cheaply without impairing its efficiency, but he would say that he took credit to himself for having sent out the gentleman who was in charge of it, and who was the only man he could procure at Home who was able to teach deal mutes by the labial or French system, and in which he bad succeeded so well that those taught by him could go out into the world, make themselves understood, and absolutely carry on an ordinary conversation. Referring to a list of supposed causes for the present depression banded to him. Sir Julius Vogel said that, with regard to “ excessive interest on borrowed money,” be knew it was possible to borrow money in London on call at 1* per cent. As to "rent,” it depended very much on locality. A house in the West End of London might cost £IOOO a year, but a cottage in a country district of New Zealand not as many shillings. As to “ Government,” he supposed that without it we should have to return to the woods, live on roots, and be clothed in skins. (Laughter.) No doubt machinery had greatly increased the productive power of man, and if the education of the masses and the consequent increase in the demand for the articles produced did not keep pace with the enormously increased supply, there would be an enormous increase in the amount of human misery. With regard to “ land monopoly,” it was utterly incongruous that men should hold thousands of acres which they never went over, and never saw, and that others should not have an acre on which to build a cottage or graze a cow. Land monopoly had, however, received a fatal blow in England, where now men were asanxious to sell land as they were formerly to buy it. Steam had brought the different countries of the world so closely together that the value of land was now virtually the value of what it would produce. He fancied that land monopoly had played a very important part in producing depression in the past, but he doubted whether it would do so . in the future. With regard to the “ unfair distribution of wealth,” he thought that if all those present were to turn out the few coppers in their pockets, and divide them equally, a new division would be wanted next day. (Laughter and applause.) As to Protection, he held that wo could not afford to disregard the question of encouraging the local industries of the Colony. We should not be guided merely by theories, for political economists stated that circumstances were what should guide every community in its action. The proposal that a member of Parliament should resign if three-fourths of his constituents asked him to do so was a sort of fad. Nothing would come of it. Very often electors sent their members very uncomplimentary reminders that their conduct was not pleasing, and members replied that they had been misrepresented by the papers, and that on meeting their constituents they could explain everything. Ho thought that the Land Associations Bill aimed at a great deal more than relieving mortgagees. The difficulty with it was, if he remembered correctly, that it introduced a system of forced currency by providing that Government bonds were to be taken as legal tender. He had not got the details of Mr Newlyn’s cheap money scheme sufficiently in his mind to be able to give a fair answer to the question whether he would support it or not. The purchase of the District Railways had been made upon what was considered sufficient reason. He did not see that the question of spending money to buy them was at all cognate with

that of relieving the distress among working men. It was a moot point how far Government ought to assist the unemployed. It was not advisable, either, to offer work so as to induce people to forsake the country for the towns, or to interfere with the labour market. Still, Government should not allow people to starve. The Government had done what they could. Only last week, 100 unemployed had been sent to open up some new land, where it was thought they might be able to settle. It was unfortunate for the unemployed that some of their leaders were men more disposed to talk than to woxk, but no doubt, there was among them a great amount of real distress. He was not aware that any persons had told electors during the last Heathcote election that the ballot was not secret, and thought that where the Returning-Officers and scrutineers did their duty conscientiously, it would be secret. The question of reducing the Governor’s salary to, say £3OOO a year, had only recently arisen. The Governor was entitled to £SOOO a year under the Constitution, and another £2500 bad been added on the condition that he paid his private secretary and aide-de-camp. He considered that it was within the power of the Legislature to consider at any time the amount to be granted—not to the present Governor, but to the one who was to come next. With regard to mechanics out of work, Government were trying, as much as they could, to find employment for such in the regular channels, but were reluctant to give it otherwise. The question of fostering local industries so as to provide work for the children now growing up in the Colony was of the utmost importance. The country could not be made rich and prosperous solely by agricultural and pastoral pursuits, and industrial pursuits should certainly be fostered. He was not aware that there was any tyranny in the Addington workshops, but he would bring the matter under the notice of the Minister of Public Works. He would certainly be opposed to any interference with the Employment of Females and Children Act, if that interference were in the direction of lessening the protection which that Act afforded them. (Applause.) He was not able to judge whether the system of piece-work introduced into the Addington Workshops was disadvantageous or not, as the matter was not in his department. It seemed to him, however, that workmen should be only too glad to have an opportunity of showing their skill by taking piece-work. He would refer the matter to the Minister of Public Works. He did not see any reason for asking Dr Hector and other scientific men to make a further analysis of the “ Alford Forest diamonds,” (Laughter.) There being no further questions, the Chairman called on Mr Perceval to propose a resolution. Mr Perceval said that, as one of the electors of Christchurch North, he had very great pleasure in asking his followelectors to join with him in thanking Sir Julius Vogel for the very able address he had just delivered, and also to express their continued confidence in him as the representative of Christchurch North. (Applause.) There was a special reason for doing so on the present occasion, for it was the first occasion on which Sir Julius had addressed the electors since the acceptance of the Midland Railway contract, which had been brought about through the action taken by him. (Applause.) He (Mr Perceval) hoped that when Sir Julius next addressed them there would be a’lady elector of Christchurch North present to move a vote of confidence in him. (Applause and laughter.) Mr J. Gapes had much pleasure in seconding the motion. He considered that Sir Julius Vogel had carried out all the promises he had made to the electors three years ago. (Applause). The motion was put and carried unanimously amid prolonged applause. Sir Julius Vogel thanked the electors for their kind expression of opinion, and moved a vote of thanks to His Worship the Mayor. This was carried by acclamation, and the meeting terminated.