The Lyttelton Times. SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1887.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXVII, Issue 8122, 19 March 1887, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. SATURDAY, MARCH 19, 1887.

The rumours—if they can be called rumours —which have reached us of the appointment of a new G-overnor before Sir William Jervois’ term of office is over, open up the whole subject of the Governorship of Colonies. That subject has two aspects, the personal and the general. The personal aspect is not a thing about which there can be for a moment any doubt. Sir William Jervois has, by his ability, his tact, and his professional strength, made himself at least as popular in New Zealand as he has in every part of the world over which he has ruled as the Queen’s representative. Popularity is not, of course, always a proper measure of a man’s fitness for his office. There are occasions, easily to be imagined* on which it is very strong proof of the reverse. For example, the Unjust Steward was probably a very popular man ; if there was any gratitude extant in his day and country he certainly was. But the circumstances surrounding a

Colonial Governor have about them! one striking peculiarity. It is impost sible for a Governor to bepome| popular who does not do his duty fairly by all, and whio is in any way false to his trust. Sir William* Jervois has become popular by his l care for all interests, and by his unswerving devotion to duty. To reward a man for success, by sending him to rule another Colony (Mauritius has been suggested iu this case), where besides getting somewhat less pay, he will have to set to work to learn a new set of duties just as he has acquired the knowledge for his term of office here, is to reward him •With a vengeance. Rather would it be a reward, if promotion to a more considerable post is out of the question, to continue the successful Governor in the country of his popularity. He would thus at least be saved from the labour of learning fresh duties, which is one of the drawbacks of a system which has both advantages and drawbacks. It is for example, an advantage that, by effluxion of time, a Governor not competent or popular is removed. In the case of Sir William Jervois the public feeling of the Colony is certainly in favour of his remaining till the end of his term of office. If the question of prolonging his stay for another term were mooted, there would, we feel sure, be a unanimous verdict for keeping a man who, preserving his independence of private judgment, does bis Constitutional duty, and remembers that socially he presides over the whole of society, not over any section. Such is the wish of the people, who, by virtue of paying the salary of the Governor, have some right that their views should be consulted.

The general aspect o£ the question is, of course, larger. By far the most important thing to be considered is the interest of the people governed, both because they are the governed, and because they pay for the cost of government. It is not, by comparison, of the' slightest moment whether the Governors are persons having any claims political, social, or of relationship upon the holders of Imperial power. If an official has to be removed from office for political reasons, his removal to a Colonial Governorship frees his superiors from a difficulty ; but what about the Colony he is removed to govern ? A rich man who is ambitious to live a life of State ceremonial and pageantry must have some qualification more than his desire. If he has the ambition which would rather be Caesar in a village than a subordinate in some great capital of the world, that is not necessarily a reason why he should be seat to the village. It may be useful to his friends in power to be able to give him the favour of the appointment, but it may be death to the village. It may, for example, breed discord, and introduce many other disadvantages amongst'the villagers, by introducing in such a man’s train ideas of exclusiveness; or it may lead to a wasteful general extravagance of living. Again there is the scion of a house broken down by ancestral prodigality, who is thankful fpr the chance of getting a showy living for a few years, to enable the family estates to recover sufficiently to bear the weight of the manner of living proper for my lord’s position in' society. Instances might be multiplied, but it is hardly necessary. Downing street, it must be admitted cheerfully by Colonial critics, always has an eye to the interest of the governed in making these appointments. But we fear there is some reason to believe that the eye which is kept on the interest of Downing street, aod the friends of Downing street, is very much larger and more open- If not.

■why, when Governors are competent, are the appointments disturbed before the terms of office have expired? It is this inequality of judgment which gives to the Colonial agitators for the elective system what strength they have; and if there is no amendment, it will give them greater strength, to the inevitable dismemberment of the Empire. Downing street should bear in mind that by not insisting on the election of the Governor they pay, the Colonists are making a great concession. They make it for the sake of promoting the unity of the Empire. The concession should not be taken advantage of to make a happy hunting ground for the personal or political friends of the Imperial Government. The whole system of the appointment of Colonial Governors requires to be re-modelled. If the dangerous element of Ministerial patronage were eliminated, it would be a good thing. The best 'substitution for the unsystematic selection thus got rid of would be some system governed by rules and regulations of its own. Colonial Governorships ought to be all, as some have very happily proved, the prizes for distinction in the various Services under the Grown. The Army, the Navy, the Colonial Service, the Civil Service, the Diplomatic Service have furnished good Governors enough to establish the rule that none should be appointed outside those services for any reason whatever, and that certain kinds of service should make men eligible for appointments With such a system, aided by constancy of working, in place of Ministerial caprice, there would be little to be desired. By limiting the choice chiefly to officers of the Army and Navy, the cause of Colonial Defence would be much benefited. And as there is under modem improved conditions little danger of incompetency in high commands, high rank in either service may be accepted as a guarantee of ability sufficient to acquire all necessary Constitutional knowledge.