There is considerable importance in tbe question between Sir G. Grey and the Premier; we mean of tbe authority on which the former declared his knowledge of the Imperial despatch received by the Victorian Government, referring to the New Hebrides. The Premier understood at first that Sir George had heard direct from the Victorian Government, and this Sir George Grey denied positively. But though Sir George was not in direct communication with the Victorian Government, the serious point still remains in the case. The point is not that any private individual has obtained information of the official communications received by the Victorian Government, but that the Government of the Colony is without such information. Sir George refused to give up the name of his informant when the Premier pressed him; even the retort that while be was denouncing Government for keeping communications secret, he was himself refusing to divulge his own communications, failed to draw him. But it has been since discovered that the informant is Colonel Sargood of Victoria, who has in his possession a copy of the telegram which the Victorian Government has received from the Secretary for the Colonies. It is, of course, open to anyone who receives such information to make what use of it he fdeases. There is no evidence that the information was given to Sir George Grey by special direction of the Victorian Government. But it is not probable that the information would have been given to him without the permission of the Victorian Premier. That, however, is not the point. The point is, that our Govern; ment was not made aware of w;ha‘ was passing. The evil is tbat.upoi a question on which the tw> Governments ought to be in tb fullest communication; a questia
on which both should, if possible, act together; a question on which if it is impossible for them to act together, they ought to be cordially and openly able to differ without diminishing the frankness of their intercourse ; —on such a question, there is an utter absence of all communications. We mean, of course, after a certain point, for up to that point the Governments have been in constant communication.
There is a very simple way out of the difficulty. It has come to this, that the Victorian Government is •reduced to intriguing with one of the leaders of the Opposition in New Zealand for the alteration of the policy of the country. To descend so low must be a very painful thing for the highsouled Government which disposes of the destinies of the million of people who make Victoria the premier Colony. The reason why that Government has to descend to such a painful task is that the Government of New Zealand has become effete. Obviously the time has come for making New Zealand an appanage of Victoria. Much can be said for the annexation. In the first place, it would be in the prevailing fashion; then it would save all expense of Governors, Parliaments, Ministers and so forth ; but, above all things, it would save the Victorian Government from going a roundabout way meanly, by giving them the power of going on the straight path of honour. Victorian statesmen would be able to manage New Zealand and all its affairs by force of right instead of by pressure of intrigue. The Government of a great part of -tho Australian world would then he carried on in a much more respectable fashion. The logical outcome of a state of facts which places a private member of the Legislature in possession of information withheld from Government, by the Government of a neighbouring Colony, is the amalgamation of the two countries. As it would be out of the question to expect Victorians to agree to be annexed to New Zealand, the only alternative is to let Victoria annex New Zealand, By all means let us have a Bill brought in to that effect—let us be governed by Mr Gillies.
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Bibliographic details
Lyttelton Times, Volume LXV, Issue 7865, 21 May 1886, Page 4
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661Untitled Lyttelton Times, Volume LXV, Issue 7865, 21 May 1886, Page 4
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