SYDNEY DEFENCES.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XXXV, Issue 3200, 17 April 1871, Page 3

SYDNEY DEFENCES.

(From ike Sydney Morning Herald, March 29 )

When our batteries are completed, the next thing will be to man them. An active enemy, choosing his own time, might possess himself of our guns. The more powerful and unguarded they are, the more the danger to our city. The greatest peril arises often from the disposition of men to slumber when they ought to be awake. Not foreseeing the evil, they take no precaution against it, or, even though they may foresee it, they exaggerate the improbabilities that it will become a reality—they fold their hands, and, like the sluggard say, “ A little more sleep, and a little more slumber.” It is then that a partial preparation becomes a new peril, and a country is disposed to place its confidence in a 'provision wholly inadequate to the object, and therefore only a trap and a snare. We have taken little part in the discussion as to what is the best plan of defence. Considering successive Governments have had the advice of the greatest engineers of England, and of a Commission to inquire into the best method of defence, that we have bad the help of all the military and naval people on this station, and, not least, though mentioned last, the acumen and zeal of Sir James Martin, we ought to possess now the best and most effective plan of defence, especially as we have rocks upon which to fix our artillery, which will frown upon the invading foe, and give him the notion of natural fortresses, which he must first capture before be can hold the country in subjection. The energy shown by the present Government in completing what has been so long in progress, though so often laid aside, is worthy of commendation. The inevitable expense must be borne, not by the imposition of taxes, but by the diminution of expenses in other directions. There is no need, however, for wasteful expenditure, or for doing anything that is not indispensable to safety. In the anticipation of an attack, the moat prompt and vigorous effort was incumbent upon the Government, and we hope they have already placed the couutry beyond the danger of these marauders who are called the “ foam of the sea.” Eegular fortifications, firmly established, and well furnished, must be the work of time, and it would be quite proper to devote years of peace to preparation for attack; for the best security against invasion is to be provided with a permanent and sufficient defence. If, indeed, a powerful enemy, with a great army or a strong fleet, were to approach our coast, we must yield to our fate and submit to be conquered; but it would be a disgrace to any couutry to be successfully assailed by a mean enemy, having no national authorisation, or only acting upon the commission of a privateer. The nations of Europe, indeed, have abandoned privateering, and America alone retains the bad eminence which the legalisation of that force may give. But America will perhaps finally conform to the general law of nations. While loudly complaining of ships like the Alabama, she will see that there is something closely kindred in the spirit and proceedings of a privateer. The force which we were led to ap prebend by the notice of the British Government, not as probable indeed, but as possible, passes under the name of a filibustering expedition. Our readers in general are not very familiar with that term. A number of men propose to liberate, as it is called, a particular country—that is, to seize, and perhaps to annex it. They form an expedition, which is generally intended to act in concert with a disaf fected party in the country assailed. In America, it was commonly meant to extend the slave empire. It was thus that Cuba was long known in America as the “ Lone Starand a succession of expeditions left New Orleans, patronised and supported by adventurous Americans, who, under the name of liberty, intended to perpetuate the slave dominion. Our readers will recall the disasters which attended many of these expeditions. The Spaniards are very rough-handed, and indeed all South American people of a kindred race have very short methods of dealing with their assailants. Thus many filibusters were shot—some were garotted. In Cuba a considerable number so suffered. Colonel Walker, the grand organiser of many of these expeditions, was himself captured in Central America, condemned, and immediately shot. This, we believe, was the last of the filibustering expeditions of that epoch. There were indeed, during the American war, similar designs, but it was difficult to distinguish in some parts of America the soldiers of the Confederation from the leaders of a filibustering enterpri.-e. We may then understand, by the proposed visit to the colonies, that the ships engaged will bring us some ardent patriots. Not that they were born in Australia, or have lived here, but by a

happy series of-inferences - they -have come to the conclusion that the patriot who invades any part of the territory of England is conferring upon it a great favour, and entitling himself to the reward of patriotic zeal. It is true that these patriotic efforts have not been very successful where they have been tried. All the invasions of Canada have failed—the last being rather a crawl on the borders and a run back again. The filibusters who come from America to Australia will probably have the same grievances as the devoted patriots who “ left their country for their country’s good.” Such would be the high aspirationsof the framers of the filibustering expedition. But the main body would probably have other views. As a compensation for not possessing the country, and liberating their friends, they would have no objection to take away their deposits in the banks, or their stock in the shops, or even the plate in the churches, for the filibustering patriots are not now on very good terms with the clergy.- We, however, quite participate in the incredulity of the British Government, although not disposed to negleet the warning. One advantage which we may derive from it would be the energetic completion of those plans of defence which have been long pronounced necessary for the safety, of the country. Our view of the question of defence has always been this—that the probabilities are in favour of oar not been attacked so long as Eugland keeps the sea. But we are liable to be attacked, and we ought to be prepared for any sudden danger. We require two things as necessary to national life and indicative of its existence. One is faithfulness to the public creditor, and the other is a sufficient, defence. The. nation that does not pay its debts and provide for its security will soon cease to be a nation at all, .The importance of these two great evidences of national life is shown by the facts that even the most despotic nations are generally anxious to maintain their credit in the money market, and that the least warlike people find it necessary to have some protection against the insolence and overbearing of paltry enemies. Nci small country indee d can be safe unless protected by the family of nations ; and though this condition has been awfully ruptured during the last few years, we may hope that some day or other the spirit of Lord Palmerston will animate again the councils of Great Britain, and that France will still lift up her head in defence of the feebler nations.