The Lyttelton Times. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1868.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XXX, Issue 2483, 17 December 1868, Page 2

The Lyttelton Times. THURSDAY, DECEMBER 17, 1868.

The believers in a " united colony" begin to find themselves ia a serious dilemma. A crucial test has been applied to the theory of national existence, and has already failed. The united colony has been called to take up arms and meet the common foe, but the Southern half of the uuit, instead of responding to the appeal, actually laughs at the absurdity of the proposition. After years of schemiug and make-believe, the fabric of a uuited colony falls to pieces like a bouse built of cards, at the first rude touch. And yet, if the theory of unity is sound, it must be admitted that the conclusions which its friends have drawn are perfectly legitimate. If New Zealand is a united colony in aught else but name, then it followß that the Government bas a perfect right, in case of emergency, to call upon the militia and volunteers of this inland to do duty in the North. Is there a siuc;le sane per• Ron who thinks that any possible General Government would go the length of attempting to force the people of this island to fight in the North ? And, if a Government could be found fuolisb enough to attempt it, does any one think the people would obey the summons and go? Unless it be Mr FitzGerald, we do not believe such a person exists in the colony, And yet, if our conclusions are correct, the unity of the colony is nothing more than a name.

Though the people of this island have not at present the fainteßt idea that they may be held liable for military service in the North, and though they would in all probability successfully resist any attempt to make them ho liable, it behoves them carefully to consider whether events are not gradually tending in that direction. It will bo generally admitted that the theory of a united colony involves the principle that North and South are parts of one and the same Now Zealand, owning one national existence. Supposing this theory to bo carried to its ultimate issue, it must follow that tho public properly of both islands belongs to the colony or State as a whole, A claim on the services of a certain proportion | of the people, for the purposes of defence, constitutes part of the property of the State. This claim is legally defined by the Militia Act, and the property is the militia. It follows, therefore, that if tho principle of a united colony is strictly carried out, the whole of the militia cau be, and indeed ought to.be employed in fighting the battles of. the colony. If we are one nidiou—which we deny—there can bo do doubt about the lniiitia in this island being liable to serve in the North. It would be well for the public to .remember that this is not all idle speculation on our part. The Bettlers in the North Island, though by no meanß

conspicuous as a whole for the readiness with which they have turned out to defend their homes, have not hesitated freely to propound the idea that we in this island ought to go up and take part ( in the fighting, A letter from Napier, which appeared in our columns a few days since, and which expressed a common feeling, declared that we might as well go up at onco as wait to bo sent. Again, it cannot bo doubted that the party which advocates the unity of the colony would, if they had the power, carry their theory to its inevitable issue. One colony, one Government, ouo revenue, and ouo people, to bo governed from one centre, is their creed, and that undoubtedly includes one military service. Their organ in this province advocates a stringent military service after tho Prussian system, and intimates that the North Island should be permanently defeuded by the militia of a united colony. The public ought to ponder over these things, and think them out for themselves. They have fancied hitherto that they came out to settle iu a country free from the drawbacks of a Native race, free from the chauces of war, and free from its consequent taxation. They have already found out that the last is a woful delusion. They are like Sinbad, with the old man of the sea on their shoulders, who is difficult to get rid of and still more difficult to carry. By an arrangement of the Colonial Office they have been unevenly yoked with a community who have little or nothing in common with them, but who have settled among a warlike, aboriginal race, with whom they cannot or will not live at peace. And these two separate and distinct communities are told that they are one nation. Politician after politician has attempted the task of welding together these incongruous materials, and in spite of successive failures it is announced that a nation is formed. War is carried on against the Natives, a huge debt is incurred—first fruits of a national existence the money is spent; uo more can be raised by loan or taxes, no further aid from British troops can be obtained, and then comes the test. The Southern land fund must go into the coffers of a united colony, and the Southern militia must fight its battles. This is the ultimate issue which must be fought out sooner or later by the constituent parts of a quasi united colony.