MR. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE ON NEW ZEALAND.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XXIII, Issue 1363, 21 February 1865, Page 3

MR. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE ON NEW ZEALAND.

We extract from the Times of the 16th December part of a speech delivered on the previous evening' by Mr. Chichester Fortescue, at Maldon, in Essex, so far as relates to the New Zealand war and other colonial topics:— Mr. Chichester Fortescue, M.P., who was received with cheers, said that he wished to say a word or two on two colonial questions which now interested the public. He would, first of all, come to the colony of New Zealand, and he would endeavour to nothing that could wound the susceptibilities of his hon. friend near him (Mr. C. Buxton). He wished lie could announce to them that the war in New Zealand was at an end ; but that he was not able to do. The last accounts from that colony were not quite so satisfactory as their hopes had led them to expect. The spbmission of the natives had only as yet been partial, and it would evidently require another campaign before peace could be restored. However, in spite of certain contretemps and disappointments, all he could learn from yesterday's mail led him to the belief that the campaign which had recently begun, during what they knew was the summer season at the antipodes, would be the last campaign of a war, which he sincerely thought would never be seen again. He knew that fears had been entertained by many good men in this country that the Government of New Zealand had been inclined to deal hardly with the natives and deprive them to an unjustifiable degree of their land, or perhaps to continue the war for the sake of the gains to be derived • from Imperial military expenditure in those islands. He confessed he did not believe in its

being the desire of the New Zealand colonists to continue the war longer than could be helped. His knowledge 'of the great sacrifices they had made and were making, of the shedding of colonial blood, of the spending of colonial money, of the paralysis of colonial trade, convinced him that neither the Colonial Government nor the colonial people would be inclined to continue the war a day longer than could be avoided. He was also sure that the natives would not be treated unjustly with respect to their land. Precautions had been taken on that head, and most properly taken, by the Home Government, and especially by his right hon. friend, Mr. Cardwell, the present head of the Colonial-office, that the large powers of confiscation of nativeland,which the Colonial Government had taken by their legislation should not be abused. It was quite right that that should have been done. It was quite impossible that a Government representing one race in those islands engaged in deadly conflict with another race could view those matters with that calm and impartial eye which the Imperial Government was able to bring to bear upon it. Therefore it was the duty of her Majesty's Government, a duty which they had performed, to take perfect security that no wrong should be done to that nativerace in theterms of peace. On the other hand, he must say he thought that that portion of the natives of New Zealand who had been to their own great loss and ours perversely shedding their own blood, the blood of the colonists, and the blood of her Majesty's troops, should receive a severe lesson which might prevent them from adopting similar conduct in the future. He believed that that was not only necessary and just, but was

I the best thing which could happen, both for us and for them, and that, he thought, would be the practical result in this case. One word as to the general subject of our dealings with that colony and its native population, because it appeared to him that there had been, in the public press and elsewhere, a considerable amount of ignorant and unjust accusation against this country io respect to their treatment of that remarkable and interesting native race. First of all, could we be blamed for having assumed the government of New Zealand ? Any one acquainted with the history of that colony would know that we were open to no blame on that point. Our people had already gone there in considerable numbers before we assumed the Government. It was perfectly certain that these magnificent and beautiful Islands, almost equal in extent to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, could not be left in the possession of a small, sparse, and diminishing native people,, but must have been inevitably seized and occupied by some European Power. In fact, it was well known that it was a race between Great Britain and France which of those Powers should obtain possession of New Zealand. Our Government went there because our people had gone before, because they were forced into it; for it was their duty to keep order between the British subjects already settled there and the native race. So far, he thought we were open to no blame. What had happened since then? He maintained that, in spite of that unfortunate war, in spite of the prejudices which a war waged by a great country like this against an interesting native race might excite in some minds, that war had been caused by no oppression on our part. Let any one examine the history of our dealings with the Maoris, and he would find that, however much we had failed in other respects, we had not oppressed them. In'this war the natives had not risen to defend themselves against tyranny, wrong, or the violation of their liberties, or against the robbery of their property. We had, he admitted, and he admitted sorrowfully, failed in that ideal which we had set ourselves, of continuing for any length of time peaceable relations between two races so different from each other within the same islands. That was a result which he believed had never yet been attained by any European nation. But our sins had been those of omis- 1 sion much more than of commission. We had not been oppressive and tyrannical: on the contrary, we had been lenient and tolerant; but we had not been so firm or so wise as we might have been. We had halted between two opinions ; we had tried to do mdre than we could accomplish ; we had substituted, perhaps, theories for facts. For instance, by a stroke of the pen we roted the natives to be British subjects, enjoying all the rights and liberties of British subjects. It • was amusing to read the early dispatches of some of our greatest Ministers, directing the Governors to treat the notives as British subjects, and, above all things, to enforce law and order. The fact was the natives of New Zealand declined these privileges when coupled with the obligation of submission to law and order. The colonial Government had no power to enforce them; 'and, as a consequence, we were long greatly embarrassed by a legal theory which it was impossible to reduce to practice. Then came a change which was highly beneficial to the English race in New Zealand, but not so beneficial to the natives—the introduction of a popular and responsible government. He did not mean to say that that responsible Government had oppressed the natives, for it had not; but that change had weakened • the Executive Government, and introduced those difficulties of a double authority under which we were now labouring; a state of things in which it was most difficult, to deal with a semisavage race or to wage a war of any kind. These were the disadvantages with which we had to contend. We had not been free from blame, we had not reached, as he had said, that beau ideal which we had set before ourselves. On the other hand, lie was ready to maintain that, looking at the rela-

tions subsisting between any other European Power and any barbarous race at any period of history, our rule in New Zealand would bear a favourable comparison. On comparing it with our dealings in former times with the Indians of North America— comparing it with the dealings of the Government of

the United States at this moment with the Indians of North America, they would find reason, in spite of all drawbacks, to congratulate themselves on the degree of prosperity which the English colony of New Zealand had enjoyed, and on its comparative exemption from outrage or bloodshed on the part of white men against dark men, or of dark men against white. He said this although a war was raging now which he hoped would soon reach a termination,and which was conducted even by the natives themselves to a very great degree on the merciful principles of civilized warfare. (Hear, hear.) He would then pass to two other colonial questions of much interest. The first was the subject of transportation to Australia. He could not but congratulate them on the abolition of that system. It was well-known from the public press that that system was practically nt an end—that was to say, that the Government had announced its intention within a comparatively short time—not of course, at once—-provided it obtained the sanction of Parliament, to put an end to that small remnant of transportation still carried on to Western Australia. On that question he must say that our patience had been rather tried by our fellow-countrymen on the other aide of the world, who had taken matters into their own hands with a degree of vigour and of temper which had made it rather difficult for her Majesty's Government to deal calmly and justly with the subject. However, he was glad to say that the worst and most wrong-headed part of their action—viz., the shipment of a certain number of ex-convicts back to these shores—rather a strong measure they tfould admit—had been the work of certain persons at Melbourne, and not the work of the Colonial Government. He was happy, however, to state that her Majesty's Government, unchanged and undeterred by that somewhat provoking conduct, had already announced to the colonists that within a short time transportation should cease. For himself, be re-

joiced at that, He was convinced that it was merely a question of time, and that the system could have been continued only for a very brief period even to Western Australia. And as to the conduct of our countrymen in those colonies, it must be remembered that while they exaggerated the evils under which they were now suffering, they did not exaggerate the evils of the past influx of convicts, and that their feeling—the feeling of man, woman, and child—on that subject was so strong, that they were hardly capable of reasoning on it. He confessed that he had considerable sympathy with their feeling, and he was glad, for their sakes as well as for ours, that her Majesty's Government had come toa final decision on that question. (Hear, hear.) He wished next to refer to, perhaps, the most important and interesting event which had occurred for many years in connection with our colonial empire—he meant the project of a great confederation of the British Provinces of North America. (Hear.) He had no authority to enter into details on that subject or to express the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, but he knew very well that they would ill represent the feelings of this country if they indulged in any jealousy whatever of the great prosperity and growing power of those colonies. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, like all the rest of England, they wished to see those provinces growing more and more rapidly in all the elements of power. He believed that such a union as that proposed would greatly contribute to that result. He believed it was for the interest of the colonists, and for that of the human race, that an independent, self-reliant, and distinct Power should arise up in British North America ; that the whole population of that vast continent should not all be moulded upon one type, but that the great State which was about to be formed under our auspices should to all time hold its own as a separate and distinct community. No doubt they all knew—and it was well all should know—that the relations between that Union and the British Crown would remain precisely as at present. The colonists would continue under the sovereignty of the Queen, as they wished to do, and all the relations that now existed between this country ancLbetween the Sovereign and those colonies would be unchanged. The only alteration would be that they would be, better able than they had heretofore been to contribute towards their own defence, and that, instead of being several minor pro>inces, they would form one great dependency of the Crown, the Government of which would be an object worthy the ambition of the greatest of our public men.