The Lyttelton Times.

Lyttelton Times, Volume X, Issue 599, 31 July 1858, Page 5

The Lyttelton Times.

■■:''. Saturday, July %\st. TJn-En'glish ? What is Un-English ? This question lias been asked several times during*-the debate on the Ballot question. Some Hon. Members affected to smile with a consciousness of superior wisdom at the benighted gentlemen who used this word. A sort of supercilious, nineteenthcentury wonder seized them at the sound, and taught them to interpret it as something mediaeval and obsolete. But the gentlemen who used the word, connect with it, we doubt not, very distinct and deeply felt principles; —principles not of to-day, yesterday, or to-morrow, by which they weigh measures pi'oposed to them before they make up their minds to accept or to reject them. They have not learned that progress and enlightenment are un-JEhglish. But they know that untruth and deceit, and cowardice are; —and that throughout the history of England, amid much of human sin and frailty, the prevailing characteristics of our countrymen have been truth and courage. These virtues have made England what she is. Anything tending to undermine them is essentially un-English ! There are many who hold that vote by ballot would not have this tendency ;— they do not believe that it is un-English in principle. We have before stated our belief that it is so;. not because it has not been introduced in England; but because we believe it opposed to all the principles of English action. The freemen, from whom we are descended, had a voice in public affairs at their first appearance on the stage of history. Through many cheoks, and struggles, and partial deprivations, they have held their right to this day. But it was a voice, not a secret vote. A voice which they gave openly; for which they were responsible to man as well as to God.

We are aware that there are some people to whom the " Un-English " nature of a measure is its chief attraction. There is a man at Wellington who has been writing to the local papers on the subject of the ballot, who takes the opportunity of expressing a hope that France will ere long punish England for her misdoings. He is too enlightened to have any old-fashioned love of country ; but he is not so far beyond his age as he imagines. Professors of this kind have been found in every age and country, clinging to the outskirts of Governments and armies, or in any other position

where they might make profitable use of their liberal principles. Unfortunately for them, they have never had a fair field for the development of their ideas, as there has existed in the world a barbarous propensity (not confined to Englishmen), for hanging them whenever they attempted to carry their ideas into practice.

But the majority of those who support the ballot would scout such a friend as this cosmopolitan sage. They .believe that secret voting would be productive of more good than evil. They consider it a question of policy ; we consider it one of principle. We are glad that the five Canterbury members did their duty by a constituency which believes secret voting to be Un-English in its broadest sense.

In England, until very lately, " Her Majesty's opposition" has been looked upon as a part of the state machine, without which legislatures would wander unguided, and Governments bully uncontrolled. Even now, although parties are not organised as they were some years ago, the opposition, divided.. as it is, is still strong to check abuse of power on the part of a Ministry. Let us hope that in our little parliament flagrant abuse would not :be allowed to pass unnoticed. We do not believe that the present Government would willingly abuse their trust. We_ never fully understand the use of a thing until we feel its loss. The present Government have shown energy, intelligence, and courage in dealing with our necessities. The House of Representatives feels this doubtless, and feels also that another Executive of equal usefulness could not at present be formed for one reason and: another within -the Legislature. Some who are fit for office could,not .readily take it, others who are totally unfit must be kept out at any price.. 'But the present Executive have developed a certain amount of recklessness and a disposition to be imprudently overbearing. A tone of what may be styled " bumptiousness 5' runs through their dealings with'the Assembly. This is perhaps natural under the circumstances m which they are placed, but there is no doubt that circumstances will he altered next session. Our Representatives tolerate a great deal to enable the necessary business to be got through ; but the example o£ this Session will teach them that a fair but watchful opposition is a necessary adjunct of responsible Government. We hope that we shall not hear, in another Session, .of discussion upon a measure burked and an amendment withdrawn upon a plea of resignation _by the Government;—and that the Chief Justice will not be compelled again to liken his position in the Legislative Council to one "between that of a Registration Officer and a Printer's Devil."

The dictatorial tone of the Government may. be distinctly traced even through the.very scanty reports of * the.- debates given In the Auckland papers. So spoiled have they become, that the slightest appearance of remonstrance renders them impatient. In the debate on the Ballot, Mr. Ward expressed a conviction that if the Executive had held themselves: responsible, in a Parliamentary sense, for the measure, they would not have ventured upon such a theoretical amendment of the existing law. Mr. Stafford complains of the expression of this opinion, and pretends, we may almost say, to" rebuke the hon. Member for giving utterance to it. Now we have very little doubt of the truth of this opinion, and are very glad that, it has been so distinctly expressed. The reason of the success that generally attends the Self-Goverhmrnt of English communities lies in a great measure in the reluctance with which our countrymen meddle with theories. They do not entrust a Government with power to enable it to carry out its own views merely, but to carry out the views of the country. This, of course, may be pushed too far. If a Government can prove to the satisfaction of the people's representatives, that a proposed measure," although uncalled for, would certainly lead to advantageous results, they would be culpable in not bringing it forward. But in the present case, this proposed measure was not generally called for, nor was there a strong case made out for it. We must raise Mr. Stafford's displeasure again, by expressing a conviction, that so important a change in the electoral system should be introduced as a measure upon which the Government is prepared to stand or fall. This is the real check upon Responsible Government. In the face of a strong opposition no Executive would attempt to remedy existing evils, by theoretical and uncalled for nostrums.