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THE LIBERAL PARTY AND ITS LEADERS.

(From •iXielgpectator, April 10.) _'

y The greatest fact of the hour, in* EngI land, and the one that most presses. for 1 .-attention, is frhe disruption and anarchy of R the" great Liberal party- Parliament is [1 .about to meet without parties and with--6 out-leaders. Every conspicuous statesman

c] has disappointed by turns Iris Supporters °j- -and his opponents, and the great cause of | national progress and reform, degraded £ almost into a cant by the lip-service and ; ■eye-service of ttie'professed hierophants of | that creed, is now made the stalking-horse J] sind pretence of-mere Conservative politi- ; -cians. And who can wonder ? If Liberalism'is to be a cant, its opponents may ! .cant it as well as anybody else. But the1 ■ time is come for reviewing and consider-, ! ing the immediate prospects of strong and. T'liberal government in England. w ; „ What,has. been the political histoiy of: " these later years? The statesmen who \ profess themselves the natural and leg'itiP jtnate guardians of the principles of pro-; 1! .gress, after grouping-themselves together/ I -five years ago, into: a Government appa- > rently possessing all the elements of real1 * strength, were found unable to bear the* |] stress of a great national undertaking-. : The Russian war came; and the terrible-. ; realities which it brought'out/the loss of j ,armies, the unveiling to the world of the e r administrative decrepitude of England's ' military system, the imminence o£ that> J fearful problem, the relation of the- legal' nations of Europe to those ideal nations,1 ; -whiclr/are the true objects of the allegi-^ lance of Poles,' Germans, and Italians-j-all' /these things were to the statesmen of Lord| 1 Aberdeen's-* Administration, trials far too' y - great of their capacity as governors, and" | ! -sympathy as1 colleagues. They were pre-1 J ~ pared, and beyond a doubt sincerely clesirous'for reformat home. But the lead- ■ ing"' spirit,'of the. Government, the most ~ consummately • eloquent, of the rtatesmen^ I~> of _England, had, unhappily,, fallen^ into' , .the grave error of attempting to forecast, ,- -and financially provide for many years of ? peace. Disgust at the failure of a system which true statesmanship never would - -liave formed, and seeptisism as to the law- \ fulness of the war, so far as it professed to I 'be for/ the Turkish* empire, and juster, v -doubts-of its sincerity so far as 'it profes- < sed'to be waged for European liberty and *l ''-civilization, drove Mr. Gladstone into an ,' -unhappy position. He was compelled to \ .appear deficient in sympathy with an inu .flexible and just desire of the nation. is Want of clearness of view, or undue dip- , -lomatic reticence, or compunction for hay- .' -ing pledged himself prematurely to a con- i 5 jflict wlricli appeared to be waged on false ' * -pretences, disabled him from speaking his i -true mind and heart to the country. And . -so it has come that the most earnest, the I -most eloquent, the most thoughtful of the c, -public men of England, has made himself " responsible in great part for the decline of the par.ty.of progress,.and has had to | .betake himself to Homeric studies a^some . ,'^olace for the pain of witnessing unscrui _ ; puJo,us cliquerie, under the supremacy of 1. .Lord Palmerston, taking in vain the sacred ' --aames of* reform, national honor, and independence, while engaged in a cynical -course of political corruption and obstructrveiiess 'at home, and . compromising ! -abroad, under the name of foreign alli- , all- that is1 ,dearest;to Englishmen. Mjßiit if Mr. Gladstone has, proved himself ,\.^veak. in, will and-.,purpose, as compared . (.with his splendid' intellectual power, for r--the. business efi governing- and statesmao- ., "ship, is the ease"'better with' the 'other fore"ih'ost men of "the/Liberal party? All "liave had to place 'themselves in a'defe'n-1 * sive position as regards, the country 'during " these latest years^ , and all have had sen-' ■ -tence of temporary- political exile passed j upon -them- for'infidelity to^he! riation, to j the cause of-reformJ to sincerity of de-^ 3 'iiieanour, to ]>lain principles of-right. ' It 1 -isa terrible infirmity in public men when

"they caiinot so ordor their conduct as to "^preserve a moderate reputation for strength' of wjU, when they know not how to keep the -first natural law of self-preservation, ■but -have to be arraigned and condemned at the bar of Parliament find of,public opinion. For office is something ■move than a field for vanity or a trial of .governing1 capacity. It is a serious moral .■tfrialo.f men. And.a country, whoso leadera -faint by the way from time to time/or innst have"thereins of government wrested from their Hands with'contumely and vio- 1 jenca, is afflicted with a species of poverty for all the highest purposes of imperial

action,, which is not to be compensated by increase. ■of material wealth. But is it not the simple melancholy truth thajrthe Liberal leaders have so failed, or have been 'so thrust from their pride of place ? The three most'important of them, Lord Palmerston, Lord John-Russell, and Mr.' Gladstone, have in various ways alienated the , affection and belief, and reverence of the 'public from their names. Between themselves there is mutual doubt, aversion, and suspicion, thinly veiled by the phrases of Parliamentary courtesy. While the leaders o£ the fourth element of the Liberal party, the Manchester school, though strong in their economical services to the country, are afflcted by certain doctrines which for--bid them to" aspire to the practical work of guiding in office the nation's destinies: and which leave them strong only to attack arid destroy pseudo-Liberal Administrations. Beyond a doubt, it is desirable "and necessary that pseudo-Liberal Administrations should be destroyed. But when the deed is done, though the general cause of right and truth has won a victory, the Liberal party is more disorganized than ever; and.the "abyss between the aspirations of the nation and the class from which Cabinet Ministers are now chosen is widened. It is this which has been Lord Derby's opportunity. He has come, into power resolved, at all events, to echo all the maxims of Liberalism, Reform, and progress, which have' dwelt upon the lips,j and been belied, or obstructed, by the con-) ducf-of'.professedly. Liberal statesmen'for; the last'five .years. If this is palitical1 hypocrisy, as we fear it will prove to be,; who are responsible for.it? Those among the Liberal party^'who, as leaders, hay weakened it by intestine dissensions, by .want of gravity and reflectiveness, by, caballing and intrigue,, by placing a clubclique, or, the idol .of-a financial system, above-the nation; and those among the t led who have aided in these evils by apathetic adherence to"old-names, by a want! of resolute self-assertion, by regarding a' Parliamentary position as a social distinc- i turn, rather than the most momentous po-; litical trust. If the whole Parlianientary, Liberal party 'had sinned, as we firmly' Relieve,-there must be a season of selfexamination and repentance, a season of1 closer communion with what is best in the natiorial'heart, before statesmen or follow- ■ ers can regain the position they have lost.. And so that the repentance be genuine, the self-examination searching' and' sincere, it matters little whether the time it takes be long or short.

The essential point is, tnat Liberals, both leaders and followers, should, take t greatly to heart and thought the degeneracy of their own j>ower, and strive by study and self-sacrifice, hy the organization which will spring from purified motive alone, to deserve the right of taking the cause of Reform out of the hands of ,a; Cabinet, whose mission is to travestie and! parody Liberalism. We do not desire dogmatically to anticipate the results of the self-examination we so earnestly desire. .Deeply sensible as we- are that the leaders of the various sections of Liberalism have discredited themselves in- their different persons by every variety of weakness, bad government, or frivolity' of cro-chet-worship, we yet shrink from asserting what facts all but compel us to believe, that the healthy future of the Reform and Progress party of England is bound up with the political'pstracism of -names which are 'familiar or distinguished. But there is a -"wide difference between being ostracised and being suffered to retain a brahminical and exclusive possession of: the ;righttb form and lead Administrations and. parties. We admit faults in 1 the general'body of the Liberal party, both in Parliament and the country., But those faults bear, no sort •of proportion ,to the abuse .of power,.the inefficiency, the lack of sympathy with the-public 'needs:, ■ the1 absolute non-representation of the country, w.hich .has of- late marked the Liberal leaders: And we are obliged to express a conviction, that if the Liberal' party is _ really; to lead anew and active political life, answering at all to the greatness of its nominal aims, and to those necessities which the gathering storms of European policy portend, there must be-a new personal element in its leadership. Is this impossible? Would not red-tapery reach its apotheosis in a condition of things where a few right honorable gentlemen and noble lords are regarded as the sole available persons for Premiers and Cabinet Ministers, while they have proved, under the stress of the task of governing, that they cannot work either in coalition or in isolation. Before the country can have the privilege of a strong and Liberal

I Government, wielding- with temperate wisdom the vast power of the empire abroad, and guiding- her at home in the noble path of political" social, and legal progress, is it to wait until Messrs. Bright and Cobden have reconciled their peace and budget crazes to the exigencies of statesmanship; until Lord John Russell can manage a negotiation without covering himself with 'discredit, and allay the idolatry of a dead and gone Whig past with the duties of a period of European convulsion; until Mr. Gladstone can learn that public affairs are not 'the same* thing as scholastic theses ; until Lord Palmerston has solved the pro-, Mem of reconciling the maximum or Liberal power and profession with the minimum of sound government, and loyal adherence to the nation's liberties; and,, finally, these things being done, until Messrs. Bright, Cobden, Gladstone, Lords. Palmerston and John Russell, have com-1 posed all their little differences of sentiment, and agreed to throw their separate items of influence and authority into the joint-stock Liberal cause? If this be the only prospect of the Liberal party, it will exist as a popular and strong Government only, we fear, when the circle shall be squared, and the sun go round the earth. But the needs of the hour, the questions at home and abroad pressing for solution, the rising temper of the public mind, that dangerous mixture of political scepticism t and political aspiration which is corroding the national conscience, under the perpetual disappointments of statesmanship- will not. wait for the squaring of circles and the repeal of the laws of gravitation*. _ If England' lias no men to be her Cabinet Ministers it is well that she should take note 'of the fact' as soon as may be, and* consider, what is to be done under the .cir- ' cumstances. But the supposition, is ridiculous. If a< convulsion should come in ( England, some man of the pattern of Mr. Carlyle's- heroes would beyond a doubt a*p-; pear, with % that iron rod of military rule, which is forged and tempered in the furnace of a revolution. r It is come to this, that, England can or will find no _ men to, guide .and govern her in the quiet path of, constitutional .-development, and requires convulsion to bring out statesmanship? Earnest politicians should "dwell on these things night and' day. For national, decay, and dissolution of politics, come about in many different ways. And a country which battled against the'open tyranny of Stuart Kings successfully, may, by 'clinging to a superstitious belief in the indis-, pensableness of the rule of men who have failed, and are no longer trusted, " drift," under their guidance, into revolution, as it had drifted into war. For movement and life, and not stagnation, —statesmanship, and not unpatriotic clique-power, or fantastic theorizing, are the supreme needs of nations. And if they cannot have them, in peace, they will seek for them 'hr violence. The reaction is an evitable law. We believe that thoughts of this kind are working unconsciously in the mind of $he English nation. Our leading statesmen must take them into account, for they will-not hear trifling with. There is a contrast available, parliamentary influences and statesmanship, and the pressing needs of the time ? domestic and foreign, which is gradually overpowering with the solemnity and depth of its significance, all-who have the welfare and honour and safety of England at heart.. If our leading statesmen can by contact with the'firm earth of these realities make themselves stronger men, and more willing to do the real Work of the country, it will be well. „Meantime, the hour is favourable for "new ambitions. ! But they must be bold, unselfish, patriotic. ' For the country would prefer to' tide on a ' while with what' it has/ rather -'than mit to the rise of adventurers seeking merely personal ends. The high places of statesmanship 'are vacant; 'and none may bid for them who will not throw themselves openly and unreservedly upon the sympathy of the country. Indeed, j the moment is not auspicious for pretenders. For the nation's eye is practised by melancholy experience to detect weakness, or hollowness, or. insufficiency in the conduct of public men.1 But as certain as would be the exposure and confusion bf empty declaimers, or insecure demagogues, in attacks upon the Liberal leaders, will be, on the 6ther hand, the welcome and the triumph of the man or men who can really speak the country's language, and do the country's work. If such man or men there be in "the governing or parliamentary oircles of English life, singlebeartod and strong in purpose, and feeling the powei"as well >as the will to rule, let them appear. For the moment in the country's history has come, when ambition

of such" a kind, in such men, is nothing short of am imperative duty. It is on such principles alone' that the Liberal party ..can be reorganised, ; eitnei> by the old men or the new. The issue is doubtful.; But this at all events is not doubtful, that while people/parliamentary 'majorities, and Ministers, are in utter discord, the public life .of tite, nation is,de- - ranged. . We .have :seen-coalition-govern-ments formed only for dissolution and -mutual repulsion. We have given statesmen enormous majorities only to drive them ignominously from power. We are deluded with splendid destructive opposition criticism from front and flank, but the .critics breakdown as rulers.". Here is a case needing f reform beyond "a "doubt,, and the country will soon cry'for; but, the reform which will be demanded next, time will be, not of boroughs, but of men. l

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Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume X, Issue 592, 10 July 1858, Page 2

Word Count
2,459

THE LIBERAL PARTY AND ITS LEADERS. Lyttelton Times, Volume X, Issue 592, 10 July 1858, Page 2

THE LIBERAL PARTY AND ITS LEADERS. Lyttelton Times, Volume X, Issue 592, 10 July 1858, Page 2