TEUTONIC POLICY.

Hawera & Normanby Star, Volume LVII, Issue LVII, 11 April 1910, Page 2

TEUTONIC POLICY.

WHAT THE GERMAN AMBASSADOR SAID. "NO THOUGHT OF WAR." THE KAISER'S BIRTHDAY. Upwards of five hundred of the' leading Germans assembled at the Hotel Cecil under the presidency of the German Ambassador (Count Paul WolffMetternich), to celebrate the birthday of the German Emperor. Tho German Ambassador, who proposed tho healths of King Edward and of tho Kaiser, said: Gentlemen — Tho celebration of this auspicious anniversary has brought us together again to-day as in former years. You gentlemen of the Gorman Societies of London are here round this festive board to give expression to your loyal sentiments towards his Majesty the Emperor and the Empire. The feeling of national unity, the consciousness of belonging to a groat nation, at the head of which stands the Emperor, has brought you hero. We are all naturally proud of tho Empire to which we belong, and of the mighty influence it represents. Wo are not less proud to know that the German Empire has never abused its power. We are a peace-loving people. We can defend ourselves, and if necessary we can defend .ourselves vigorously. But wars of aggression from a lust of conquest, or greed, or a desire for glory are far from our thoughts. (Cheers.) In the commencement of the last century wo rose as one man to shake off the foreign yoke; in the second half of that century wo were forced to wage war in ordor to realise tho inestimablo blessing of national unity. These wars were necessitated by political urgency and national aspirations. With national unity accomplished there is for us no thought of further war in order to attain national aims. This is known to everyone in Germany, and we here know it too. Nevertheless it is not superfluous that this truth, which to us Germans seems a matter of course, should be stated, for there are people who assert that we are only awaiting the opportunity to fall upon any weaker Power. POLITICS AND COMMERCE. This refers equally to the Home as to the foreign market. The political boundaries have lost much of their former significance through the increase of the facilities of trading. No civilised country can nowadays shut itself off from the rest of the world without injury to itself. The policy of peaceful conquest of trade has the advantage that it does not act \n a spirit of exclusion. I have never believed that among the commercial and industrial nations in their modern conception the destruction of one of two rivals could mean advantage to the other. Let us suppose that one of two such rivals should succeed in suppressing the commerce and industry of the other. What would be the result? Simply that the victor would no longer be able to sell anything to the vanquished, and thus he himself would have destroyed a good customer. Commercial rivalry is not to bo conceived as if international trading could be represented by a trader sitting on a block of gold from which he is continually detaching pieces with which to pay for the goods others are pressing upon him. On the contrary, there is no constantly diminishing block of gold, but simply an exchange of products. Germany and England, for example, are doing this, and their exchange of commodities forms the basis of their commercial balance-sheet. The more the interchange of products increases the more both countries are enriched. (Cheers.) The possibilities of a disturbance of these relations is nowhere regarded with greater apprehension than in the leading centres of industry and commerce. Hence it results that, notwithstanding the rivalry, those primarily interested demand the continued existence and not the annihilation of the rivalry. In view of the high development and great sensitiveness of the modern, system of credit, the increased facility for investing capital abroad, and the extensive use which is made of this facility, it is impossible to conceive the idea of the forcible suppression of a commercial competitor without the aggressor injuring himself to an almost equal extent. WAR'S DAMAGE TO TRADE. No one could be more competent to pronounce judgment upon what I have said than you, gentlemen, who are en- ' gaged here in the most important centre of the commercial world. Let us assume for a moment that England were involved in a European wnr. According to an opinion expressed by experts, the sensitive structure of the system of credit upon which depends the strength of the London market would react gravely on the first news ' of such an event, and a financial panic ; would ensue, which, again in the opin- • ion of financial authorities, would result in the insolvency of the large fin- j ahcial institutions. In a few days values would have been destroyed to a larger J amount than even a fortunate war could make good. (Hear, hear.) j Let us contemplate a more agreeable picture illustrating the same idea. \ We have repeatedly observed during the last few years that the great na- ! tional and semi-national banks of i France, England and Germany — not to ! overlook the banks of the United ! States — came to one another's aid in ; order to mitigate tho financial crisis ! in one or other of these countries, al- j though they themselves were suffering from a scarcity of money. No banking institution acts from motives of philanthropy, bxit only from well-considered self-interest. This self-interest induced them to assist a rival — for all the countries named are commercial rivals — in order that, the duration of its economic decline might be as short as possible^ and not accentuate itself still ' more, for they all of them felt them- ' selves threatened and injured by the economic and financial distress of one of their number. If we follow this idea still further we shall arrive at the ■ thesis, which to maJiy may, perhaps, ' sound like a paradox, that it is not in ' injuring one another, but, on the contrary, in aiding one another that lies the common interest of commercial rivals. (Cheers.) For commerce, finance, and industry in their modern state of advancement have broken down political boundaries, and are so interwoven internationally as to be indepen- j dent of all this, I do not imagine I am telling you anything new, who to aj i large extent are yourselves taking an j ( active part in international trade. But ' j in view of the strange opinions which I . are nowadays disseminated on the sub- j ject of international competition, it can ' j do i:o harm to refresh the memory of ] those who appear to have forgotten j the very A. B.C. of the international ; economic code. i FORTY YEARS OF PEACE. i To such hallucinations of timorous < souls it is not easy to reply. Tho mind ' that- enn conceive them is not open to reasonable argument. Our conscience, however, is clear. We can point to the 1 fact that Germany has kept the peace 1 for nearly forty years, and for more 1

than half that period under the rule of his Majesty the Emperor. (Cheers.) Could tho same bo said of all other Great Powers? Wo have not succumbed to the temptation to use our might. On tho contraTy, the history of the last decade shows that we have- imposed upon ourselves a wise self-restraint. We havo no inclination to play the role of tho \pike in the carp pond, and we ar© not disposed to put our sole trust in force. A nation in arms like ours is conscious of the grave responsibilities involved in the employment of its power, and knows that only a just and great purpose can sanction its use. Even the most powerful nation would arouse universal indignation and endanger its very existence if it threatened on every difference of opinion and in every question in dispute to resort to the ultima ratio. Such an obnoxious member would soon find its position among the nations unbearable. History shows that hegemony based upon force must soon crumble. We wish to remain masters p of our destiny, but we have no desire to influence other nations against their > will. Moderation and a conciliatory spirit, however, must not be mistaken for weakness or timidity. There is though, I think, little fear of this. My i experience has not led me to suppose . that there has been any disposition on i the part of any foreign Power to re- . gard Germany's influence as une quan- '. tite negligoable. (Cheers.) ; GERMANY'S ASPIRATIONS. 1 have already said that we are a ' peace-loving nation, and are far from contemplating any war of aggression, for tho reason that our national aspira-, ' tions would not bo advanced by war ; now that we have accomplished our national unity. Every nation, however, 1 and more especially one which is developing rapidly, as Germany is, has [ aspirations which vary in tho course of | its evolution. We do not cast longing " j eyes on tracts of territory upon wnick ' J to settle a surplus population,, for not- ' I withstanding an increase of about 1 I 1,000,000 souls annually emigration from our country has been steadily deI dining during tho last twenty years, 1 j and has now fallen to insignificant 1 figures. (Cheers.) The development of ! industries, commerce, and agriculture 1 afford sufficient opportunities for employment at home, and thus restrains ■emigration. Simultaneously wifh expansion in nearly all departments, and with the greater national prosperity re1 suiting therefrom, the demands .of the homo market have also increased con- I siderably, yet not to tlie same extent as the capabilities of production. We must therefore depend to a largo extent upon export trade, and in order to secure this trade we must seek commercial relations abroad and try to preserve those already made. This is the real meaning of that frequently misunderstood expression Weltpolitik. (Cheers.) Our policy of commerce is directed towards the peaceable acquisition of new markets. Tho weapons with which this policy of conquest is carried out are intellectual • industry, skill, and knowledge. As a matter of fact, no markets can be gained by brute force. You cannot compel anyone to do business with you at tho point of the bayonet, if ho has neither inclination nor money to do so. Doing business, selling or exchanging goods, presupposes j willingness in both parties. "OUR FUTURE LIES ON THE SEA." And if our development impels us to move out into the wide world and across the seas (our future lies on the sea, according to the well-known saying of our Emperor), in order to secure the freest possible expansion of the economic power of our nation, this is simply the outcome of our national aspirations and necessities. (Cheers.) They threaten no one. We have not, however, yot reached an age when the mutual confidence of nations in one another is such as to render the protection of their interests unnecessary. Within our frontiers and on land our Army, which has preserved tho peace to us for forty years, will afford us protection. But for the safeguarding of our steadily-growing interests on the sea and m distant regions 'we require a fleet. (Cheers). We are therefore building a fleet, and in this we are following the example of all great commercial nations possessing a coast lino, more especially are we following tho example of Imperial Britain, the I greatest sea power in the world. We are building our fleet in accordance with • the programme which has been known for ten years, and which has been fixed i Iby Act of Parliament. In spite of the commercial reasons which impel us to ' i wander far abroad, the pivot of our j existence is in the fatherland, which ' the army is called upon in the first place to protect. It is therefore neither necessary for us, nor have wo any pretensions to be, or to become, the strongest on the sea. The ocean is froe, and ; according to the conception of all civilised nations belongs to no single Power ' a/lone. We do not wish to rule the seas, ', but we desire to occupy a position com- . manding respect commensurate with our I commercial and colonial interests. I (Cheers). But neither our fleet nor our I army threatens anyone, so long as we i are not threatened ourselves. And since Iwe have no intention of competing for , supremacy on the sea, is it reasonable ito suppose that we seek to become in- , volved in a naval quarrel whilst we know . that we are much stronger on land? | j I hope I have not taxed your patience too much with these remarks. In makj ing thorn I have tried to make clear cer- ; tain tendencies of our policy and naj tional aspirations, and at the same I time our desire to serve the cause of peace. This is also the great desire of "his Majesty the Emperor, as the peaceful years of his long rule testify. We cannot to-day offer his Majesty a more welcome birthday gift than the wish, coming from loyal German hearts, that the new year of his life upon which he j lias entered may bo attended by all the , blessings of peace. (Cheers.) 1 I ask you to join me in giving throe 1 cheors> for his Majesty the Emperor. . (Loud cheers.) I The toasts were heartily received, and afterwards the whole company rose | , . and cheered his Excellency again and | 1 again, so enthusiastic was the reception ' ■ of the speech.