MR, WM. CROOKS, M.P.

Hawera & Normanby Star, Volume LI, Issue 9067, 12 April 1906, Page 3

MR, WM. CROOKS, M.P.

AND THE NEW EPOCH IN BRITISH IMPERIAL POLITICS.

Tfas British political Labor party i a strong; much stronger than was at first thought. The issue before the electors vras Chamber] ainism versus Baiineraiaiiism, but though this was dealt with an issue was raised in addition to it by the laboring classes — their own — and the surprise or event oi the elections was the return of Goliath to influencing power, if not to power itself. The head of this LaDor party is less so than its president, and apparently there are two presidents, Mr Bardic and Mt Crooks, with, every prospect of the ultimate selection of the latter as a single choftky because of his popularity with all classes. Mr Crooks is a Labor parliamentarian of some notable characteristics. He is in the first place a staunch party man, a union man, and a reformer. Then he is not an extremist, in fact -his motto ie tempexateness ; and it may be mentioned that he carries this into his manner of living, as "Crooks and nondrinking" is something of a phrase. The Labor party in Great Britain has come to stay, and come to also grow. In a sense its advent, is the most important! thing that has happened in British politics since the destruction of kingly domination. For every one knows wEat Labor aims for, and a mere study of t<he figur.es will show that much of its programme is unpreventable. Some day pretty early two things will happen as the result of this development* in England — Westminster will concede payment of members, and the suffrage will go to adulthood irrev spective both of class amd sex. And then? Well, the British nation will see things from a British standpoint absolutely and thr 1 same cla?s which objects to tax itself for the Empire in one direction will object to do so for the same thing in all other directions. In a word triumphant Laborism in Great Britain is the end of the Imperial inter-relationship O6 now .established, whereby for a common sea defence 40,000,000 people pay for 36,000,000 othie>rs. The development referred to has not occasioned the consideration throughout Greater Britain that it is entitled to receive. We ore so concerned in the-Chamberlain-Bannerman side of affairs that we- pass oveT the great question, the one that while i*> affects Britain closely affects Britain's possessions infinitely more The British Empire is a collection of tieelimbs held to the Toot and to^each other by a naval trunk — the sea-link or connection.. Whenever the Empire has been asked to help foot the account for this, the toiling classes have been, the chief objectors, as example of which take the Naval Bill debate in v^e- Federal Parlia-me-nt of Australia. The request that the Greater Britisher should pay Bd, as against the Great Britisher's £1 has only been acknowledged grudgingly where it has bean acknowledged at all, while over the greatar part of the Imperial area it has Sjeen either burked or refused. And nearly everywhere laborism has been in opposition, sure indication that if it were proposed that the Empire should saddle the naval account on an equal basis the objection would be so pronounced as to make its discussion impossible. But now turn the picture, and argue the question from the standpoint of Laborism, But in Great Britain. Is it not clear that when, the Labor party at Westminster ore strong enough, that when they are able enough and have managed to get down to it, they are going to talk in. the same way, but with the additional force of justice? Will they allow Britishers in Britain to want work, to want homes, and to want bread, when the chief part of the Exchequer burden is levied only for Imperial demands, and so far as the- navy is concerned, lor the security -of an Empire which merely applauds and objects to pay? The gift of prophecy is enjoyed by no man, but it is not prophecy to lay down facts and to work out inevitables — and these are facts, and the conclusion is clear and unmistakeable. tustoTy shows that all Great Empires have arisen through' class rule and fallen through democracy; but lest this be misunderstood, it is-neces-sanry to amplify it— because class rule was able to exploit the democracy at Home, for the benefit of the affiliated democracy abroad. When once the democracy at Home got power enough it became a question of auditing, and feom that moment Imperialism- died, killed by the Empire itself. George 111. demanded that the A^merioarf colonies should pay for a oom- "^ man defence and four generations of Britishers have anathematised his memory. Will it take as long as another four era the British Labor party endorse this pairt of his creed and .sound a "Virginian Protest" against the Empire from the walls of Westminster?