HITLER'S TURN IN CAUSE OF PEACE.

Horowhenua Chronicle, 13 July 1935, Page 8

HITLER'S TURN IN CAUSE OF PEACE.

RECONCILIATION IN EUROPE URGED. SIR SAMUEL HOARE SURVEYS SITUATION. (By Telegraph-Press Assn.--Copyright) (British Official Wireless.) RUGBY, July 11. The House of Commons was crowded and the galleries were filled with distinguished men and women of many nationalities when the Foreign (Secretary, Sir ISamuel Hoare, delivered his eagerly-awaited speech surveying the international situation. He spoke first of disarmament and the recent Anglo-German naval agreement. The agreement was in no sense a selfish one, he said. Any agreement made with Germany had obviously to be of such a character that it would not prejudice but further the prospects of a general naval treaty. There seemed to be overwhelming reasons why in the interests of peace —the main objective of British foreign policy—the apportunity that offered should be seized. Too many opportunities for disarmament had slipped away in the last 15 years, and each lost opportunity had led to fear, unrest, and greater armaments. Here was a chance to eliminate what had been the chief cause of the embitterment of public feeling between Britain and Germany before the war—naval competition —to eliminate by the declaration of the German i<jpresentatives the unrestricted use of submarines against merchant shipping and to secure an agreement which on naval grounds seemed manifestly to the advantage of the other naval Powe/s, including France. His Majesty's Government had no apologies to make for what was a practical aJI-round contribution to peace. Anxiety For A*r Pan 1 ;. Turning to the question of an air pact, Sir Samuel Hoare declared: "We are anxious for an air pact accompanied by air limitation." It looked at first sight a simple affair, hut five Powers, including France and Germany, had to be brought to negotiation and agreement, and the French and several other European Governments took the view that it was impossible to dissociate an air pact from certain other conditions of peace. "We have worked so long and closely with our French friends in the past years that it is both wise and right to take into account these very real anxieties, for here you come again to another aspect of unity of peace," he said. "There are many Governments in Europe that regard the centre and the east of Europe as dangerous areas. Certain of them go so far as to believe that an air pact separated for the settlement of other questions would make the danger in the East even more acute than it is. Whilst I cannot go the length of those fears, I do none the less agree that war started in the centre or the east of Europe might—indeed, judging by experience, probably would—lead to a general conflagration, and that on this account it is esesntial to deal without delay with any danger points that may exist. Opportunity For Progress.

"This is the reason why the British Government is most anxious to see an Eastern and Danubian Pact of nonaggression ratified at the earliest possible date. The German Chancellor agreed during the Stresa Conference that objection would not be raised to the conclusion by others of pacts of mutual assistance, provided no more was expected of Germany than agreements of non-aggression~~br consultation and denial of assistance or consultation and denial of assistance to aggression. The German Chancellor further stated in a recent speech that the German Government was ready in principle to conclude pacts of non-aggiesslon with their individual neighbours and to supplement them by every provision which aims at isolating combatants and localising war-makers. The French Government has notified the German Government that it accepts the German proposals as a basis of negotiation. I believe that a Danubian Pact is susceptible of similar treatment. There is, therefore, in the opinion of his Majesty's Government, now no longer any reason at all why rapid progress should not be made towards the conclusion of an Eastern Pact. In Hitler's Power.

"It is now in the power of the German Chancellor to make a real contribution to the t;ause of peace which will remove the cause of anxiety from the minds of many Governments, not only in central and eastern Europe but in western Europe as well. I would urge him to make it. 1 think, indeed, he wilJ be serving his own cause by making it. He himself spoke very frankly in the speech of May 21, and he will, I know, feel no resentment if 1 speak equally frankly. We here —indeed the world at large—have been disturbed not only by Germany's programme of re-armament but also by certain other phenomena in modern Germany. None the less, we have taken the Chancellor at his word, and only in the last few weeks we have given practical proof of it by concluding with him a naval agreement. We have thereby, as we hope, taken a step forward on the road to reconciliation. But a reconciliation like peace is one and manifold. Let him now, therefore, take the next necessary step forward and help on the negotiation of eastern' and Danubian pacts, thereby giving a

great impulse to the conclusion of an air pact, which 1 know he desires." Outlook In Austria. "This leads me naturally to a subject which i desire particularly to mention —the independence and integrity of Austria," he added. "Time after time we have explained our concerned view that Austria occupies strategically and economically a key position in Europe, and that a change in her status wouW: shake the foundations of European peace. "For our part," Sir Samuel said in conclusion, "we wish to see these questions all settled, and with that sincere intention of settlement let simultaneous discussion start upon them all." Liability To The League. The Foreign Secretary then referred to machinery of collective peace. "The more J. look at future prosperity, whether near or far, the more sure I am," he said, "that the system of collective security is essential to peace and stability, and the League best provides the necessary machinery. If the system of collective security that is gradually being built up with great care and patience wore smashed, if the League became so feeble and futile as to have no real influence upon tho course of events, then the system of alliances —that is, reverse of collective security—must necessarily reappear with all its ancient disquiets and intrigues. As things are, and as long as there is an effective League and a system of collective security, we are ready and willing to take our full share of collective responsibility. Over and over again we have stated this, and no one has stated better than the Prime Minister our liability to thd League and its principles, and I reaffirm it to-day. "In Duty Bound." We are all therefore in duty bound to do our utmost to prevent the development of any crisis that is likely to weaken or destroy the principles upon which the' League was built .and upon which its influence for peace depends. "This is the reason for our grave interest in the Abyssinian controversy. This is the reason why even at the risk of criticism we have been prepared to make constructive proposals for the avoidance of a war which, however it might end, must have serious repercussions upon the whole League system. This is the sole reason for our efforts to find a basis of settlement. I need not repeat the complete contradiction we have given to wild statements as to our motives and our action that have been made in sections of the Italian Press. Statements that we are thinking of our own colonial interests and are massing troops in neighbouring British colonies are completely devoid oi foundation. ■ Sympathy With Italy. "I should like also to make clear that we have always understood, and will understand, Italy's desire for overseas expansion. Indeed, we have in the past done our best to show pur sympathy with Italian aspirations in a practical way. In 1925 ws ceded Jubaland to Italy, and in the present negotiations wo showed our willingness to endeavour to ensure for Italy some territorial satisfaction by reasonable and legitimate arrangement with Abyssinia. We admit the justice of some of the criticism that has been mado against the Abyssinian Government. But are these facts sufficient cause for plunging into war? We have surely found in the past that it is possible to adjust demands and differences of this kind without recourse to war, and I am not prepared even now to abandon any chance that may present itself —whether through the machinery of the 1906 Treaty or the machinery of the League, or both —for averting what I believe will be a calamity.

'' To-day I cannot say more than that we are working on these lines. Meanwhile, let members dismiss from their minds rumours altogether without foundation that we have asked the French Government to join in the blockage of Italy and that we ourselves are preparing some isolated form of coercion against a country that has been our friend since Resorgimento." We stand for peace and we will not abandon any reasonable chance that may offer itself for helping to prevent a disastrous war. Friendly Relations. In the concluding passages of a long speech, Sir Samuel Hoare spoke of the friendly relations existing between Great Britain and other countries, including France, Italy, Germany, Russia, the United States of America and Japan and China. "We have stood close and collaborated through the years with France, and for deep reasons of common interest we shall continue," he said. "It is not the British way to sacrifice old friendships for new, but that is not to say wc do not seek to add new friendships to old. Our relations with the United States of America aro excellent. On this side of the Atlantic there will never be a Government but will do its best to ensuro this essential relation, essential to the world as to ourselves." Speaking of the long unbroken friendship with Japan and the importance of relations with China, he referred to the disquiet caused to friends of Japan by certain recent events in North China, and expressed the hope that "this chapter of anxiety is closing." "It is the belief of his Majesty's Government," he said, "that steady progress towards order and stability in China can only be maintained first by promotion of good relations between China and Japan, and secondly, by co-operation between those two countries and other countries having similar interests and aims. ' In a word, maintenance of the prin-

ciple of the open door, coupled witli full recognition of China's right to control her own destinies, remain the broad basis of English policy."