THE H.B. TRIBUNE TUESDAY, MARCH 20, 1928 THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY.

Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume XVIII, Issue 83, 20 March 1928, Page 4

THE H.B. TRIBUNE TUESDAY, MARCH 20, 1928 THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY.

rpHE resumption of the enquiry into what has come to be known as the “Teapot Dome Scandal” comes at rather an unfortunate time for the Republican Party in the United States, icr there can be no doubt but that the ’revelations involved will operate badly against it at the coming [ residential election. Although the actual casting of votes is still some eight months away, we may be quite sure that every care will he taken by the Democrats to keep the “scandal’’ well alive in the public mind. As most are probably aware, this had its origin in the sale by the Republican Government of what had been declared a naval oil reserve, the purchaser being a well known supporter of that party. The sale was authorised by the then Secretary of the Navy, who is now under strong suspicion of having profited handsomely out of the transaction, while at the same time the Republican fighting fund was also substantially augmented. With the unsavoury details which, in the face of very determined obstruction on the part of those implicated, are being elicited we need not concern ourselves just now, otherwise than as to the possibility of their eSect upon the ultimate result of the election. The Teapot Dome Scandal is an incident in the political life of the United States which is unfortunately of by no means unique character in the history of that country.

Though we may regard it as something outside our own peculiar interests here in Nelv Zealand, the choice of the next American President may properly be considered as a matter of world concern, and not least to the British dominions set in the Southern Pacific Ocean. The Pacific, so the experts in these matters tell us with a unanimity which cannot be altogether baseless, is becoming every day more and more the centre of the world’s affairs. What then affects the United States must affect Australia and New Zealand, and that the Presidential election affects th< United States very materially n<> one who has studied the history of

that country can doubt; for a moment. Both in its internal and in its externa? relations the results of that election may literally move the world, to name no others ; and, though outsiders may be forgiven if they fail to note the exact differences which distinguish a Democrat from a Republican, they cannot fail to note the differences which exist between a Wilson and a Roosevelt, nor the tremendous national differences which such personal differences may indicate. Recently received American newspaper files would seem to accept it as fairly well settled that Mr. Coolidge will not seek a further nomination and, though the cables have in the interval mentioned other possible aspirants, some note may be taken of those whose chances were seriously regarded when our last mail left. On the Republican side there were no less than four, these being Mr. Charles E. Hughes, an ex-Becro-tary of State—who has, however, since intimated a desire to be left out of the count—General Dawes, whose name is most familiar to us in connection with the scheme for liquidation of Germany’s reparation liabilities ; Mr. Nicholas Longworth, the Speaker of the American House of Representatives and a son-in-law of the late Theodore Roosevelt; and Mr. Herbert C. Hoover, whose activities during and since the war are known to everyone, and whose election it seems certain President Coolidge would strongly advocate. Mr Longworth’s chances depend largely upon the identity of the Democratic candidate. Of these it was said that there were only two who could be regarded seriously, Governor “Al” Smith, of New York—said to be the best Governor New York has ever known —and Mr. Frank Ritchie, the Governor of Maryland. Mr. Smith is the bright particular hope of the Northern Democrats, but he happens to be a Catholic; and to the Democrats of the South Roman Catholicism is anathema. Indeed, it is a curious and significant fact that throughout the whole history of the United States there has never been a Roman Catholic President.

If Mr. Hoover should prove ultimately to be the selected Republican candidate and Mr. Smith the Democratic one, the. former will probably receive not only the united Republican vote, but also the votes of many a Southerner who would in other circumstances have been only too willing to remain true to Democratic traditions. But there are two great forces working against Mr. Hoover. The one is that he is credited with being pro-British; and that is a major crime with an immense body of the ignorant and foreign element in the country; the other is the technical objection that he has not lived fourteen years in the United States since attaining his majority, which 1 is a condition precedent to accepting nomination. JHis life has been such that, mainly in the abroad so often that he cannol claim to have resided “continuously” in his native land for the service of his country, he has been prescribed period. And his opponents declare that the residence must be continuous and not made up of broken periods. It is a nice problem on whose resolution may depend the fate of the Presidency. And if Mr. Hoover cannot stand, it was regarded as probable that Mr. Longworth, who is comparatively young and whose popularity with all parties is proverbial, would be selected by the Republicans in preference both to General Dawes and Mr. Hughes.