THE H.B. TRIBUNE SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1927 RUSSIA, RED AND PINK.

Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume XVII, Issue 205, 13 August 1927, Page 6

THE H.B. TRIBUNE SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1927 RUSSIA, RED AND PINK.

CABLE messages both yesterday and to-day make reference to the struggle for supremacy that is going on within the Bolshevist ranks themselves in Russia, Despite the fact that,, in order to maintain control over the masses, some show of reconciliation between the contending factions has been made, it is quite evident that strongly divergent opinions on the future policy to be pursued are held by the really still rival ‘ sections. On the one hand, we have those who recognise that, for the time being at any rate, the open campaign for establishing Communism over the world must be abandoned, and efforts in *his direction kept well under ground and out of sight. This section, headed by M. Stalin, which has acquired the title of “moderates,” realise that,

for the Soviet Republic to establish itself on anything like a sound economic basis, it is essential that both diplomatic and trade relations with foreign countries must be improved.

It is to this end, and to this end alone that they are just now prepared to tone their blood-red policy down a little and seek to gam the confidence of those with whom they wish to deal. An insight into their plans was givtn by one of yesterday’s messages, which quoted M. Bukharin as pointing to the dangers involved in continuing the incitation of the Chinese against 'he Western Powers, and against Great Britain, and the need for encouraging foreign capital to come into Russia. “Inevitably,” he is reported as saying, “Russia must practice a peace policy, thereby strengthening the Soviet Union, and must agree to economically reasonable concessions to capitalist coun tries.”

As against this section we have the “extremist” party, to whose leadership M. Trotsky, the one-time War Minister, is aspiring. The party insist on spreading the doctrine of Communism throughout the world, no matter at what cost. International complications carry ’o weight with them, nor do considerations for the immediate welfare of their own country and its people. This fanatical group would gladly dash their heads against brick walls rather than deviate one inch from the mad course they have been trained to follow—even if they knew that the ultimate objective could just as easily be gained by going around the wall. It is this group that would carry the war of Communism into foreign countries, irrespective of consequences. They will sacrifice nothing of creed and everything of achievement and hate compromise as bitterly as such men can hate. “They are,” as a recent writer on Russia puts it, “the remnants of the old brigade, ibe mad bulls of the Soviet.”

Recent indications seem to po’nt strongly to the moderate group gaining the ascendancy. The failures abroad of the extremist policy, such as that of the General Strike in Great Britain, have greatly strengthened their hands in their endeavour to temper the original revolutionary doctrines of Leninism with the common sense of experience —experience that has taken much bitter learning during the last few years. Communism, they argue, cannot succeed as long as it is isolated, and the only way to cease being a pariah among the nations and an outcast in international trade is to admit that until the experiment has been successful at home other countries must he allowed to continue undisturbed by Soviet intrigue. Only by this method, declare these saner men, can Russia hope to gain the unconscious help of her powerful neighbours. They have found that even Communism must have money to oil its wheels and that, unfortunately for Russia, the money that it so urgently needs to develop its “moneyless doctrine” is only available from “imperialistic’’ but wealthy countries such as Great Britain and America.

It is not to be thought that this so-called moderate section is by anv means less zealous than the other in its advocacy of Communism- It recognises, however, that attempting the impossible is not sound polities. If this party ultimately gains permanent control, then we may see a Russia that has passed the teething troubles of Bolshevism and hits grown up into a stable republic. But it will be some time before that happens, and in the meantime the remainder of the world must be on its guard. For the Soviet authorities to-day are far more eager for con quest than the most imperialistic of last-century nations. If they felt there was any chance of success Russia would begin an armed invasion of Poland to-morrow, and after Poland and the other minor republics had been lapped up they would assail the bigger nations of both East and West. If ever wai comes—and at present Russia knows its limitations—Trotsky would be the man of the hour, for the army worships him.