THE H.B. TRIBUNE. MONDAY, JULY 7, 1919. THE EX-KAISER’S TRIAL

Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume IX, Issue 172, 7 July 1919, Page 4

THE H.B. TRIBUNE. MONDAY, JULY 7, 1919. THE EX-KAISER’S TRIAL

Now that the fnal acceptance of the Allied peace terms, in the shape of legislative ratification, seems practicallv assured, preparations -are being made for giving early effect the provision for the trial of the ex-Einperor of Germany' embodied in the Treaty of Peaee. The section of the Treaty having reference to this, and to'the kindred subject of t.he trial of "persons accused of the acts of violation of the laws and customs of war,” limits the arraignment, of William 11., Hohenzollern, to a charge of having committed “a supreme offence against International Morality and the Sanctity of Treaties.” It further states that t.he tribunal to be set up for his trial is “to be guided by the highest principles of international policy,” and also that- it is “to have the duty of fixing whatever punishment it thinks should be imposed.”- Under these cn cumstances it cannot but be thought that the cable messages being received in which suggestions arcmade of the possibility of a death penalty have in reality no basis of supporting prospect, and are realty mere irresoonsible speculations on the nart ol folks who have not had sufficient regard to the terms of the Treaty. The mere fact that one of them—contradicted almost as soon as made —told us that Presidenv Wilson was stipulating for a restraint on the conditions of a treaty to which he had just set his hand is a quite sufficient evidence of this. The trial itself will, in all probability, be purely political in its character, and the only thing that looks like standing in the way is the doubt as to Holland surrendering the accused to the custody of the Allies, although it has to be noted that an agitation is going on in Germany itself to prevent this being done. So far as Holland is concerned a London paper is quoted this morning as "understanding” that the Dutch Government has consented to extradition, but this message, on the face of it, has nothing in the way of authenticity. It is, in fact, just as likely of contradiction as was that with regard to the ikmerican President’s attitude. Not only the Dutch Court, but a verv influential section of the Dutch people, is strongly sympathetic with the German Imperial Hous<, and on Friday lust we republished from a Dutch semi-official press organ sufficient to show that strenuous objections would be raised in Holland against the surrender of the ex-Kaiser’s person. At the same' time, this paper significantly stated that, while the Allies would not

"force” the Dutch to such a stej_ still they might "make us feel vexation in another way.” What pressure of the nature indicated may since have been exerted by the Allies we cannot, of course, tell. But it will have b-• u noted that on Saturday we were told that over twenty Allied Powers were "appealing” to Holland to surrender the cx-Kaiser. It is quite probable that ' this "appeal” will have the desired effect, though, on the other hand, possibly Holland maj; qualify com- , pliancc by merely intimating to her I German guest that he must seek : shelter elseviere. This might end ; in his return to Germany—no other J neutral country is likely to offer him i asylum—and to an intensification of > the Royalist movement- that is no ’ doubt going on there. Should this be the case, we may have some evidence as to how deep the process of "democratising” Germany has really gone. As has befn hinted, the purpose of insisting on the trial of the exEmperor of Germany is not- so much to inflict punishment on him personally for his sms —although that may be' incidentally effected—as to remove hirn from a sphere where the influence of his presence might well be expected not onlj' to make for anything "but quiescence and stability in Germany’s own domestic polit.'.cs. things in which the Allies are litally interested, but also for international. as well as for internal, intrigue threatening the whole fabric of peace. It seems almost a blasphemy against a truly great fiame to write that of Napoleon 1., Buonaparte. Emperor of the French, on the same page as that of Wilhelm IL. Hohenzollern. Emperor o- Germany. But. however strong the cont'-.a-t between the two men in all the qualities that command admiration even from foes, there is no doubt that t-aeh has been cursed ’.vith an insatiable personal ambition that has proved , his undoing. 1" makes no* very «¥eat difference in practical consequence that, in on<- ~-)<« the lust oi power was fed bv a well-founded conviction of capacity for the leadership and ruling of men prned bv actual achievement, while in the other it was the outcome < f an inordinate vanity based on nothing but the inevitable inheritance of ready-made power, entirely beyond the heir’s ability either of construction, or, as it has turned out. of preservation. In both cases it has ended in individual downfall, but, as it was in the case of Napo--leon the Great, so it is the case of Wilhelm the Little, that it is felt necessary that the opportunity for resuscitation should be as far removed as possible. The danger is, of course, not so great in the present case as in that of Napoleon, whose personality corralled among his countrymen so much of esteem and even of affection. Indeed, it is quite probable that in the case of Wilhelm 11. he would be, as he has been in the war once it was commenced, little more than a symbol around which the forces of unrest I and reaction might be rallied, the embodiment of a tradition that, it, must, not be forgotten, has for centuries been dear to a large anil dominant section of the German people. Beyond this, it has also ».< he borne in mind that under, though not through, AVilhelm II Germany waxed fat and grew strong, and that her military failure under him wa-s the result of a combination of opposing world forces such as has never been, and may never again be seen. It may thus very well be that, apart, from the relatively small ultraSocialistic element, to which all monarchs are anathema, no very deep antipathy has been aroused among the German people against the man who wa< th- ir Emp-Tor. and that verv little in the way of disappointment vvilb the m « form of Govern m ! ’nt. might, i e made 1 he medium for creating a great revulsion of feeling m the direction f>f restoration The Alims, how-ver, have Ion? since made up their mind that the House of Ilohenzoilern has been much mo long a persistent disturbing influence jn Europe, and th" Kaiser's trial no doubt primarily de.-igned to g-' as far :-s possible on the hc. to extinguish.r;g tnat influeure. Apparently n<< moverrflint. is in contemplation with regard to th • ex-Kais-’r S family. although, m' course, the Crown Prince might cas-

ily come witbin tbe category of those to be charged with offences against the rules of war. It is quite possible, however, that, with such a Record and such a reputation as attaches to his name, it will be judged politic to leave him among the German people as the foremost representative of his fallen dynasty.