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Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume VI, Issue 340, 27 January 1917, Page 4

A few days- back we gave some short review of the differences that, before the war, existed between the Flemish and the Walloon sections of the Belgian nation on the question of scholastic recognition of the Flemish language, and of the manner in. which the Germans were endeavouring to aggravate the trouble with a view to creating political dissension and bring about political disunion in Belgium. Among other things was mentioned the proposal by the German Administration in Belgium to convert the University o£ Ghent into a Flemish University where the Flemish language would have precedence—a change for which the leaders of the Flemish movement have been striving for many years. To-day we have before us in a London exchange some account ol the official opening, under German direction, of the university as a Flemish institution, _ showing how steadfastly the Flemings of Belgium decline to accept the fulfillment of their dearest wishes at German hands. The truth, of course, is that the opening of the university is a German political conspiracy based upon Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg’s announcement last April, previously quoted, that Germany “cannot again give over to Latinization the long-oppressed Flemish race.” It w’ill be remembered that the unselfish German Administration had to begin operations by suppressing most of the real supporters of the Flemish movement, and by deporting the most distinguished Belgian historian, M. Henri .Pirenne, and the. Professor of Flemish Literature and Belgian History at Ghent, M.

Paul Fredericq. They have for some time been held prisoners at Jena. As regards the teaching body of the new university, the new Rector is a certain Herr Hoffmann, a native of the Grand Duchy of Luxemburg. No professors of Flemish origin well-known in the Flemish movement have accepted appointments. There are a few Dutchmen of German education, and there is nt least one professor who »mjo\s the distinction of having fought with the Germans against the Belgians. The Belgian Government has. of course, announced that ii_ will not recognize either von Bissing s appointment or diplomas granted by the new university, and the German Government has had to promise that it will give pensions — thoughtfully provided out of Belgian funds—to the professors when they are dismissed by the Belgian Government. The new university is really opposed by all the influential Flemish leaders and by the clergy’ 'of Flanders, although they favour the Flemish movement. The Germans have made the effort —apparently’ unsuccessfully—to recruit students among the Flemish prisoners of war in Germany.

The whole operations of General von Bissing, the German GovernorGeneral of Belgium, in this matter have been followed far more closely in neutral than in Alied countries. In Holland, to judge from the Press, they are well understood and regarded with the utmost suspicion. The “Nieuws van den Dag” in particular has explained very carefully why the Dutch must resent the> German efforts to promote internal strife in Belgium,* and has shown that a weak and divided Belgium would he the greatest danger for Holland. The most able and exhaustive exposure of the whole business has, however, come from Professor Kristoffer Nyrop, of the University of Copenhagen, well known both as one of the greatest living philologists and as an authority’ on university questions. In a series of articles nublished in the “Berlingske Tidende” he has examined the Ghent controversy as symbolic' in “the great conflict- as to the relation between right and might, between State coercion and intellectual freedom.” He traces the overwhelming Flemish opposition, and proves that the new university’ is an alien imposition, and he declares that “all the scholars in the world will view with warm admiration the resistance of Belgian and Dutch teachers and leaders to the wiles of Germany.”

Professor Nyrop puts the case thus : “Before the war the question of the foundation of a Flemish University’ was only’ an inner Belgian affair known to very few outside Belgium and understood by even fewer. Now it has become a matter of wide-ranging importance and absorbing interest, the development of which is followed everywhere with close attention. During the war this extremely complicated problem ouerht, of course, to have been she! ved. hut Germany’s diplomatists thought otherwise. The university reform was to be exploited for pq litical purposes. . . • The university reform was to be a gracious gift from the victor to the conquered Flemish people. It was to be the token of reconciliation, a noble expression of the true sentiments ol the German people towards theii liberated kinsmen. But it was al sc meant to widen and deepen th< cleft between Flemish and Walloon and help definitely to sever the cultural and political connection between Belgium’s Germanic and Romanic elements. At first glance this plan might seem well-nigh ingenious ; but it suffered from one defect —a very’ serious one. In _ all their deliberations and calculations the Germans had forgotten to take into account the altered temper ir Belgium after the violation of its neutrality and the horrors of August and September, 1914. The Flemish had mixed blood with the Walloons on the battle-fields of Liege, Dinant Malines, and Yores. In the fight for the freedom of their native country’ Flemish and Walloons were one people : they’ were Belgians, united in the struggle against the Germans.”

Possibly the relative silence that has been brooding over the main battle fronts may be the precursoi of the concerted enemy effort which was presaged by the Berlin correspondent of the Dutch paper “Tyd” whose view-s were cabled to us yesterday. Although the message went a little out of its way to say that this particular correspondent has usually been found to be well informed, we may well w’onder from what authentic source he can have drawm information of such wide and vital importance. It would certainly not be from the German General Staff—unless, of course, it was handed out “.with intent tq deceive.” Then, again, the practical abandonment of the enemy offensive in the East, which he suggests, is altogether at variance with w’hat we have been told has long been Marshal von Hindenburg’s policy—the seeking of a decision against Russia as a preliminary to crushing France. Indeed, we were led to understand that his advocacy of this policy ana Falkenhayn’s opposition to it engendered a strong feeling of enmity between the two generals. In any event, we imagine that it is safe to assume that the “Tyd” correspondent is just one of the great army of amateur-expert "gueksers,” attempting io erect a theory of his own upon what be may consider significant circumstances ami movements.

Of military news there is not a great deal yet to-day. A late cable yesterday announced the resumption of activity on the extreme right wing of the Russian army, west of Riga. Despite the fact that we were told a w eek or two back that our Ally did not propose going further with this offensive, he seems to have- attacked again, gaining some further ground, part of which, however, was recovered by a German counter-at-tack. The German communique characteristically suppresses the earlier portion of this account of events, but makes full display of the later part- From that point all along the eastern front there is nothing reported until we come to the left wing of the Russo-Rumanian lines, where there has been some heavy fighting, in which our Allies, according to one of yesterday’s messages, seem to have taken the initiative with considerable success. A day or two back the Bulgarians claimed to have crossed the southern branch of the Danube mouths from the Dobrudja, but their stay on the northern side has been but brief, a late* Russian message yestereday alleging, and a German communique admitting, their retirement, but not until they had suffered a severe mauling from the Russo-Rumanian forces. Neither yesterday nor to-day is there any w’ord of note from either Salonika or Italy, and the lack of messages of any kind from Greece would appear

to indicate that the difficulty with King Constantine has been satisfactorily overcome. The western theatre provides merely reports of raids and bombardments at different and widelv-separated points along the whole front, the most notable feature being an attack in some force bv the Germans on the left side oi the Meuse, which, however, the Freni'li guns shattered before Tt reached our Ally’s trenches. From two widelv different sources. Herr Weigand and Lord Xortheliffe. come highly appreciative references to the Anzac forces, lint we imagine that the noble lord is a little out in saying that the martial spirit has been kept alive in New Zealand by the memory of the Maori Wars. In truth, we are all a little too forgetful of them, and of those who fought, so valiantly and successfully for us in them.