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WHAT WILL THEY DO IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY?*

[Conducted from our fast]. If snch a plan as I have sketched were adopted what could be done with the vun-holders, whether tenants of the Crown or of the Maories, whose sheep or pattle are depasturing on what, not being capable of defence, must be classed as excepted territory for the present ?—districts, I mean, that might be defended by men and contiguous homes, but cannot by wandering sheep and spattered homesteads? For those who have been illegally hiring land from the natives, I should have no more consideration than is due to them from the fact that the Government has given grounds for a claim to such consideration by conniving at the practice, ever since Sir George Grey, by his connivance, originated those grounds. The run-holders under the Crown in such districts must, clearly, be compensated for the necessary abandonment of their runs. If the run-holder who is said to have borrowed money from the Governor, or any of the run-holding clients of Mr. Tollemache, his irresponsible advisei’, should be among those whose runs must be abandoned for the public good such cases might bo treated wtih more than ordinary delicacy and generous consideration, because it would be unwise to risk the success of a great plan for the pacification, and colonization of the North Island, by exciting the opposition of influential antagonists, well backed at home, in the defence of their private interests. I need hardly say that I am an opponent of the plan, which has many earnest supporters, of allowing the natives to acquire individual titles to land, and to dispose of it by private contract to individual colonists. The Government itself has proved quite incapable of making a bargain for land, the validity of which is not disputed after by some one who was not a party to it. Such, I feel convinced, w'ould be the case with nearly every private bargain also ; and the Government would be expected to interfere in defence of the title of every individual purchaser. The Government alone could when satisfied that substantial justice had been done by its own officers to the natives ceding their rights to any waste land, render the title secure by the occupation of military settlers; while the individual land-monopolist would leave his land defenceless—either waiting till the population of the neighbouring lands should make his own land valuable, or only occupying it with defenceless sheep and cattle. If some such policy as that very slightly shadowed forth above is allowed to be desirable, what chance is there of its accomplishment ? I must allow that a portion of it seems to he pow in the process of adoption. Mr. Dillon Bell, no longer warning Britisli colonists not to shoot wild ducks on native territory, has become a recruiting officer of volunteers in Australia ; and considerable success has attended his efforts in that new character. Upwards of a thousand men have already been raised there, who are to be rewarded for military services by portions of confiscated lands. Mr. Thomas Bussell has joined the ministry, at the head of a new department, having the direction of Colonial Defence. Even Dr. Featherston has somewhat changed his tactics, and instead of suing in vain, at interviews with Wi Tako and other rebel leaders, for leave to put up barracks for the colonial defence force, in their neighbourhood, has recently blustered as to what he will do, whether the rebels like it or not, in the way of arming and training the settlers, as though he were the very Governor himself! He seems, however, still to care for standing well with the rebels ; for he asked two “King” natives, who do not hold British allegiance, to take tea with him in a room at the inn at Greytown, in the Wairarapa Plain, while the loyal volunteers were being sworn to their allegiance and faithful service in the same room! Surely the run-hojders in the North Island must bo beginning to fear lest poetical justice, in the shape of the roasting of sheep, is about to overtake them ? What are the members of the House of Representatives, for districts within this Province, likely to do towards the adoption of any such plan ? Messrs. Wilkin, Cox, and Walker (I am presuming that the two latter will be elected for the districts

to which they have respectively offered their services) are new and untried men in general politics. If Mr. Greaves be the successful candidate for Akaroa, the same observation will apply to to him. The other Members for the Districts ■within the province are, Mr. Crosbie Ward, absent from the Colony, Messrs. J. Cracroft Wilson, F. Jollie, F. A. Weld, W. Thomson, and FitzGerald. I believe that all the Members and Candidates have made a general declaration * in favor of “ a vigorous prosecution of the war.” But one of them has indicated his views as to 171131 is to be done afterwards! The new hands, at least, must be very much in the dark as to the best manner of dealing with the native difficulty so as to remove it effectually and permanently. Mr. Weld and Mr. Jollie are probably better acquainted with the subject than any other among the members who have already sate in the House of Representatives. Should their sympathies not be gained in favor of tiie Northern run-holders and other land-monopolists, they will be the most likely, among the Canterbury members, to take part in the initiating a successful policy for the future. Mr. Cracroft Wilson and Mr. Fitz Gerald have also expressed strong opinions on the present state of things. While I admire the energy of Mr. Wilson, and the fearlessness with which he defies the enmity provoked at times by his plain speaking, I confess to some dread of his habitual reverence for the powers that be, and especially of his admiration for Sir George Grey personally. As I judge Mr. Wilson to be remarkably consecutions and unselfish in his public career, and therefore rejoice to see him as one of our representatives, I entertain the greater fear when I hear him praise Sir George Grey, of whose political qualities he knows po much less than older colonists. Mr., Fitz Gerald made a great speech on natives affairs last session. He wanted the Maorics ad-

miffed into tho Legislature, Until quite recently, he strenuously opposed the quelling of the rebellion by physical force. Of late, however, he has confessed his opinion, that the military operations now begnn must be pursued to a successful termination. But he has also expressed admiration for Dr. Featherston’s dealings with the natives, speaking, at the Lyttelton meeting on the 7th September, of “ the manly and courageous language held to the natives by the Superintendent of Wellington! ” Mr. Fitzgerald has never seemed to he aware of the influence exercised on the native question by the land-monopolists of the North Island. Ho has rather appeared to be dazzled by the glitter of an unreal and shadowy philanthropy, which has been sedulously held before the eyes of Southern members by the missionaries and Jand-mono-polists of the North, to conceal their real design of “thwarting” colonization in the North “by every means in their power.” Mr. Fitz Gerald has also, unfortunately, less aptness for reconciling differences of opinion, and yielding now and then to others for the sake of united action, than for imagining his own opinions to be the only sound and practicable ones, and falling foul, without either judgment or moderation, of those who do not wholly agree with him. And yet this is the very time when great evils cannot be averted f*om New Zealand, —evils that will eventually affect this Island as well as the North, —without hearty and earnest union among the representatives of at least the progressive part of the Colony. Now, above all other periods in the history of the Colony, petty envies and jealousies among leading men should belaid aside ; former offences should be mutually forgiven ; manliness iu its highest sense should be exercised. Should the members for the Southern Provinces be either bamboozled by false notions of philanthropy, or seduced by the temptations of place and power to perpetuate the system under which the greater part of tho North Island remains a desert, yielding scarcely any land revenue except to insubordinate natives, the flourishing laudrevenues of the Southern Provinces will surely have to pay for the maintenance of that state of things. Good bye, in that case, to a public expenditure of more than £I,OOO a day in the Province of Canterbury alone, as at tho present time ! Perhaps that local prospect, —the fear of finding public works stopped and salaries reduced by want of funds, —and, of the odium which must necessarily attacli to them if their subserviency to the interests of the land-monopolists in the North should produce that effect, may carry weight with such of our members as are not influenced by elevated views of patriotism in connection with the whole Colony. Some of the leading statesmen of the Southern Provinces have, at different times, talked of Separation as a means of avoiding tho above disastrous financial results of the Maori difficulty. I will not dwell on the sentiments which make the word repulsive to my hearing. During twentyfour years, i have had at heart the greatness and prosperity of New Zealand, and not the comparative success or failure of its geographical or arbitrary divisions. But I will confine myself to some reasons against Separation.

I am strongly impressed with the belief, that when the Duke of Newcastle ordered the Colony to take upon itself the cost and responsibility of the management of native affairs, ho expressed the intention of the Home Government that the ■whole of New Zealand should be charged with both cost and responsibility. However much, therefore, politicians of a disposition selfish in the interest of localities may desire to shake off tho burthen of the Northern difficulties, I apprehend that their project would meet with unqualified rejection by the authorities in England. At any rate, a successful realization of the project could only be obtained after long and troublesome negotiation, during the course of which the Southern land revenues would already have been swallowed up by the costly demands of the system for keeping the North island desert in the hands of a few monopolists. Even were separation achieved without financial detriment to the South in the interval, I doubt whether the ultimate result would be cither great or permanent gain to the Southern fragment. The evil reputation of the Northern half, stagnant if not yet further depressed by blighting land monopoly, would extend to the Southern half, and discourage* immigration of the better sort from the old country. Even directly, the depression of the Northern Provinces would do more harm than good to Nelson, Marlborough, Canterbury, Otago, and Southland ; as an unsound tooth, In the course of time, infects its formerly healthy neighbors with rottenness. The bundle of sticks, once untied, no single one, nor any bundle made of a smaller number, would retain strength for any great effort or achievement. Panama steamers, local banks, electric telegraphs, and other great national undertakings would be retarded, if not prevented, by the want of union throughout the Colony. The comparative prosperity of the South might, possibly be but of short duration, and a just penalty for its cowardice and selfishness in abandoning the North when poor and hungry, might be the falling into a similar condition through weakness, or perhaps, through plethora. Thus, in the mere £ s. d. view of the subject, the very agitation for separation seems inexpedient; while reasonable doubts may also be entertained as to the likelihood of its eventual success. But how much more shall we condemn and reject the project of Separation, if our hearts can be warmed with a spirit of true patriotism—if we can determine on striving to make our adopted country great and distinguished among those now growing to bo the nations of the Southern Hemisphere! How much more reason shall we have to pride ourselves on our efforts, if they should, result in restoring New Zealand to peace and prosperity, than if they should merely procure for the South a continued absence of the evils under which the North is suffering ! We have no right to plume ourselves upon our comparative well-be-ing, and to throw the North off because a few missionaries and monopolists have brought it to grief! Let us, then, determine to use that strength I and influence which our wealth and leisure for

political action must give us—by persuasion, if possible, and if not, by moral power,—to compel the North to bo well governed and colonized. Let us insist on the adoption of such a system as may produce a revenue sufficient to defray the ex* penses of its own establishment. This might be done by leaving certain lots of the confiscated lands, interspersed alternately with the lots to be occupied by the military settlers, not in too large blocks, nor at any great distance from each other. These vacant lots would acquire a high value, both from the settlement and improvement of the neighboring lots, and from the protection afforded by the trained inhabitants. A price sufficiently high to prevent monopoly might be adopted. The revenue derived from the sale of (he vacant lots would before many years, amount to a sum sufficient to pay for all the expenses of quelling the rebellion ; while it is already evident that the inducement held out by the promised grants of land is sufficient to raise an army of military settlers, by means of whose services the colony might, ere long, set the regular forces free for service in other parts of her Majesty’s dominions.

The members from the South would be by no means unsupported in the North, were they to insist on the adoption of some such system as I have sketched out. The quotation above given from the New Zealand Advertiser, and aan ble article in that newspaper on the Ist October, show that even at Wellington, in the very nucleus of run-holding monopoly, the proposal meets with hearty support from a portion, at least, of the colonists. Let us hope, then, that some such plan will be adopted by the General Assembly in the approaching session ; that it will thank and support General Cameron ; that it will remove the present ministers if it finds (hem unprovided with a real plan of some kind, if the plan be not comprehensive enough for the emergency, or if the ministers cannot bo trusted to carry it out with energy, capacity, and sincerity, that it will establish British authority throughout the islands; and inaugurate a new and sound state of things, securing the population and improvement of the fertile lands in the North Island now lying waste, to the mutual benefit of botli races of its inhabitants.

Our duty, as electors and constituents, is to watch carefully the conduct of our representatives. Should we find any one of them weak through ignorance of the state of affairs in the North, or behold him tempted by the greed for place and power to betray the true interests of the Colony into the hands of the Northern land-monopolists, let us be prepared to call on him to resign his trust! Let us have done with that indifference as to the proceedings of the General Assembly which has hitherto prevailed ! Let us make the members feel that a strict account of their doings at Auckland will be demanded of them on their return ! Let us get into the habit of meeting together in public and discussing these questions which so closely affect our vital interests ! By so doing, we shall find that there are many amongst us, quite as capable of representing us as those who now do so ; and we shall cease to be hampered by that worship of little heroes, which makes us dread to punish by dismissal a public man who is found wanting, lest we should not find one of equal ability to succeed him. In Canterbury, at any rate, should any member prove craven, traitor or renegade, we may confidently repeat the words of King Henry, when lie heard of the death of Earl Percy at Chevy Chase, “Thank God, I have five hundred as good as he !” rather than mourn like the King of Scotland over Douglas as his sole reliance.

By the rapid, yet sound advance which Canterbury has made towards the conquest of the wilderness, without any adventitious aid from seat of Government or Commissariat expenditure, or gold mines, it has attracted a population, in all classes, of a very superior quality. It may fairly claim to bo considered already as the real heart of the Colony. Its representatives in the General Assembly ought to be the leading men in it. Its people ought to secure the services, in that situation, of the best public men to be found. By giving more attention to this subject, by attributing its due importance to the manner in which they are represented there, and by insisting on constant communication with their 'representatives on the matters to be discussed and settled, the Canterbury people may perform the duties, as well as occupy the place of the Heaht of New Zealand ! It lies with them, whether that heart shall discharge its functions aright, so that a regular and vigorous pulse may vibrate through every fibre of the Colony, restoring the damaged or sickly members to health and strength, and presenting the noble aspect of a happy nation, growing in goodness as well as years. If the above observations shall contribute in any, the least degree, to such a result, my object will have been attained. I have been in hopes that the opportunities which I have had of making myself acquainted with North Island politics, might enable me to warn those leas experienced in them of dangers and obstacles perhaps hitherto unknown to them ; and I have felt it my duty to offer them as good a chart as I could draw from my own survey, so that the shoals and rocks may not at any rate be hidden, even if they be unheeded or despised when pointed out. Should this publication meet with a favorable reception, leading me to believe that it has been of use, I shall very likely soon supplement it by a second, on the subject of “ What are they doing in the General Assembly ?” and later still, by a third, to enquire “ What have they done in the General Assembly ?” Coldstream, near Christchurch, Bth October, 1863.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HBT18631120.2.20

Bibliographic details

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 149, 20 November 1863, Page 6 (Supplement)

Word Count
3,120

WHAT WILL THEY DO IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY?* Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 149, 20 November 1863, Page 6 (Supplement)

WHAT WILL THEY DO IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY?* Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 149, 20 November 1863, Page 6 (Supplement)