Hawke's Bay Herald. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1878.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume XXI, Issue 5005, 11 February 1878, Page 2

Hawke's Bay Herald. MONDAY, FEBRUARY 11, 1878.

We suppose that we shall shortly have something positive, either in the way of contradiction or confirmation, of the extraordinary intelligence to the effect that the Russians have already occupied Constantinople. Up to the present time the Government have heard nothing from the Agent-General on the subject, and more than that, they received, on the 9th, a telegram from that functionary, dated the 7th inst., in which no mention is made of it. It is, of course, quite certain that the report had not reached London at the time Sir Julius "Yogel despatched his message. It is worth while to remark, however, that we had two London Press telegrams, also dated the 7th. which did not mention it. They came early in the evening, whereas the telegram that brought the news came long after midnight. It was an eveningspecial sent on to the Press Agency from Sydney. It is possible, therefore, that the report reached London after Sir Julius's telegram to the Government had been despatched, though in. that case, we should think, it would before this time have been followed up by another. In glancing back at the course of events since the re-establishment of cable communication, we find that about the 20th of last month the Russians reached Adrianople, iand the question of taking immediate action then pressed itself on the attention of the English Government. By the 26th, the majority in the Cabinet had practically resolved that England should enter on the arena of hostilities. Admiral Hornby was ordered to land troops at Gallipoli, the fortress that commands the entrance to the Dardanelles ; and, as a matter of fact, the British fleet did actually enter the Straits. The next day, however, the Foreign Minister and the Secretary for the Colonies sent in their resignations to Lord Beaconsfield, and, apparently, from this and other causes, the Government were led to believe that public feeling was running strongly against their war policy. The order to Admiral Hornby Avas consequently countermanded. The troops were not landed, and the fleet retired again to Besika Bay. The story is one of vacillation a7id double purpose that is not calculated to raise the reputation of the Empire among other European states, and that will form a standing instance by which future philosophers and historians will illustrate the doctrine of inherent weakness of cabinet government in times of crisis when prompt and decisive action is the one thingneedful. On the countermand of the order of the fleet, it appears that Lord Derby rejoined the Ministry. Lord Carnarvon did not. His action is comprehensible on the theory that he was of opinion, with the Liberals, that even a liussian occupation of Constantinople should not be taken as a amis belli. The same cannot be said of Lord Derby's. He lias clearly enough stated his view that it should be so taken, and if he had had the courage of his opinions, he would have supported the steps necessary to prevent it, while still only imminent. The strange thing is that it is even yet uncertain what the view of _ the Cabinet on this all important point is. The last utterance we have had is from Sir Stafford Northcote on the 27th nit., and it is to the effect that the occupation of Staraboul would seriously endanger the relations between England and Russia. This is the true utterance of a trimmer, one who would speak on both sides and vote in the middle. In the meantime, on the 25th nit., the Czar, whose head-quarters wore then at Adrianople, commenced, on his own behalf, to treat with Turkey. The precise nature of the terms oitered was kept a profound secret, and was not even confidentially communicated to the Turkish Parliament. The Porte accepted them. If it turns out that the news of the occupation of Constantinople is true, it will probably turn out also that that permission to enter the city, without resistance, was part of this private compact. It certainly could not be expected of the Sultan, that he should, in the circumstances, give himself any concern about British interests, and if he could make a better bargain for himself by permitting the ] temporary occupation of his capital, he

The probabilities, so fay, we think* are against its turning out that he has done so, however. On February 2nd, we hear, -that " a preliminary protocol for an armistice " — whatever that may amount to — was signed, and a suspension of hostilities was agreed on. It did not take effect at once, at any rate ; as further military and naval operations are reported on the 4th. Subsequently > we heard, however, that the Greeks had been ordered to stop their advance, and had stopped after having occupied a town in Thessaly. The next news we had was that there were disagreements between the Powers as to the site of the pi'oposed Conference, Russia not approving of Vienna ; and then comes this astounding news of the occupation of the Turkish capital, during the pendency of the armistice. If it turns out to be correct, indignation in England will doubtless run high, but still, perhaps, not high enough to make England enter on the war without allies, and without allies, it is much to be feared that she would be. The probability in any case, is, we should say that, in the ultimate event, after much talk and much agitation, xo decisive step will be taken.