LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 13, Issue 1111, 21 December 1869, Page 3

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.

The Editor does not hold himself responsible fo opinion, expressed by correspondents.

Sir,— ln yesterday's Herald, your Shipping reporter has made an unjustifiable attack upon Captain Sellars, who commanded the ill-fated ship Ida Zeigler, which, out of regard to that gentleman, and as agent of the ship, I cannot allow to pass unnoticed. The captain and all the witnesses examined at the official enquiry into the cause of the wreck, stated that the accident occurred through the parting of the ship's starboard cable. No suspicion was thrown on the strength of the mooring cable. The starboard cable is now stated to have given way at the hawze hole, the inference being that no more chain than is now recovered, had been paid out. This assertion is easily disposed of, as I witnessed the break up of the ship, in company with about 100 others, and saw the cable hanging so far into the sea that tho end of it was not visible.

Perhaps the most mischievous assertion is in making the captain and carpenter say, the short length of the starboard cable was stouter than the rest. On referring to the evidence, I find no such statement is made. The carpenter stated that the port cable was throughout If inches, and that the starboard cable had a short length and two 15-fathom lengths of If -inch chain, the rest being lf-inch. In the cable now recovered, the diameter at tho break is If -inch, and there is another length of the same thickness. There is, however, no. certainty the break did not take place in one of the 15-fathom lengths of chain. So far from throwing discredit on the testimony of Captain Sellars and his officers, I think the finding of the Government moorings confirms its accuracy. I—l1 — I am, &c, John G. Kinross. Napier, December 18, 1869.

Sir, — It appears to be past all doubt that Britain has finally refused to afford us any assistance, either in men or money. She refuses to guarantee a loan, though her doing so would entail no additional burden upon her. She refuses to allow the depot of a single regiment to be in New Zealand, though such an arrangement would actually be a peouniary benefit to her. This policy is calculated to produce a high degree of exasperation in the minds of New Zealanders. To such a degree, indeed, has the exasperation risen, that there is a larger proportion of the community than any one would suppose, who would absolutely be in favor of separating from her, and either fighting our way alone, as best we might, or casting in our lot with some other power. Separation, at present, seems, unfortunately, only too easy. Britain throws no obstacles in the way. If public opinion in New Zealand should set in decidedly in favor of it, it is inevitable. Now, as it seems to me thafc such a policy would be nothing short of suicidal, ifc may not be out of place to endeavour to shew how imaginary are the benefits it is supposed that it would confer, and how great and manifold are tho injuries ifc would inflict. By separating simply and remaining isolated, we should be throwing away afl the advantages which we derive from our connection with Britain, and gaining absolutely nothing in return. At present, if we are not protected from internal enemies, we are at least protected from external ones. Some would answer thafc this is of no importance, since, if we were not connected with Britain, we could have no possible occasions of quarrel with any other nation. But these -occasions of quarrel spring up in a very unaccountable fashion, a dispute between two seacaptains has before this been sufficient to precipitate a war between two nations. Wolves (whether natural or political) are not supposed to require any very strong or solid reasons for declaring war on lambs. In the event of such a war, we should, of course, be at the mercy of our enemies. Another — and surely by no means a despicable — advantago which we derive from our connection with Britain is this, that English careers are open to New Zealanders. No country in the world can offer such careers to able and ambitious, men as Britain can. What endless opportunities, for instance, are there for rising to wealth and distinction in the civil and military service of India. At present there are two distinguished colonial gentlemen — Mr. Lowe and Mr. Guilders—who have seats in the English Cabinet. What position could any other nation offer to compare with this ? The fact of such careers being open to every individual in a nation tends to elevate the national character. In accordance with this, it will be found, as a rule, that it is the greatest nations that have produced the greatest men. Indeed, the importance to every member of a community of being able to feel that he is a citizen of a great nation, and not^ of a paltry state, can hardly be over-estimated. Mere sentimentality though this feeling may be called, it has been a potent influence in European politics, especially of late years. A united Italy was a cry that roused as much enthusiasm as the cry of liberty itself. The desire of unity in Germany consolidated and made permanent the conquests of Bismarck. The dread of dismemberment in America made the North persevere with such unflinching energy in bringing theseceding states back to theirallegiance.

It is sometimes urged, in favor of separation, that wo are hampered and annoyed by intermeddling on the part of the Colonial Office. We would do better, it is said, if we were allowed to appoint our own Governor, and altogether to control our own affairs. This argument could only be adduced by one ignorant of tho true state of the case. The institutions complained of (if wo aro to believe the Times) are merely kept up for the convenience of the colony, and are subject to modification at its pleasure. Canada has already modified them all away except the appointment of a Governor, whoso Office is almost a sinecure. Undoubtedly the strongest argument that can.be urged in favor of separation is, thafc ifc would leave us free to join the United States, and certainly union with the great republic would bo infinitely preferable to isolation. But what should we gain by leaving Britain to join America ? Ifc is answered that America would assist us either with men or money to repress the Maori rebellion. That, we think, is very problematical; but granting it, might ifc not be possiblo to pay too dear even for assistance in men or money, especially as we are nofc in such despei'ate need of them now as we were some time ago. It may be laid down as a general rule that no two nations can work well together unless they are similar in character and habits, that the more similar they are the better will they work together. So that.thqugh we may indulge an unlimited admiration for the Americans in their own sphere, we, as Englishmen, would find that wo should get on better with other Englishmen. than with them. The Government of America, again,^loes not appear in fan .advantageous light when put m comparison with the government of .England; It is well known thafc in America hardly any xnan of any degree; of oui*

ture meddles with politics, while in England the politicians are the very cream of the oultured classes. Bribery and corruption are rife in all departments of the Civil Service. Indeed, when one considers thit every one in the service of the State is dismissed with every change of President, that consequently no one who can get permanent employment elsewhere and who does not intend to enrich himself by dishonest means, will take service with the State, it is marvellous how the 1 country is governed at all. It may be said in reply — If the government of America is so bad, how is it. that the country is so prosperous P I would answer thafc ifc is in spite of its government, not because of it. The reasons of its prosperity are its unlimited resources- and the energy of its people. Joining- the States would not make us participate in American energy or American resources, bufc it would make us participate in American misgovernment.

Some collateral advantages have been suggested, which it is said wo should gain by joining the United States, It has been said, for instance, that we should get our wool into America free of duty: not, we imagine, unless we agreed to take an equivalent amount of American goods free of duty. ' If we were ready to do this, there would be nothing ih our position as British colonies to hinder us from concluding &' reciprocity treaty any day. The Canadians are engaged just now in discussing such a treaty. As likely as nofc, the result will be that American goods will be admitted into Canada undor lighter duties than English goods.

In drawing these comparisons between the advantages of remaining connected with Britain and the advantages of adopting any, other course, it must not be forgotten that our relations to Britain are about to undergo a change ; a change in which we may hope, with good reason, all the drawbacks to our present connection may be done away with ; all its benefits greatly enhanced.

We may see, ere long, the " great and fascinating idea" of a federation of all English communities become a living reality. The Ihnes, while it suggests this idea, discards it as impracticable ; but several other sagacious journals, the Saturday Eeview, for instance, advocate it, and maintain that there is no reason in the world for discarding ifc. If it is said that it is impracticable because of the great distanco between different parts' of the empire, it can be triumphantly answered that in reality, taking into consideration all the modern facilities for transit and transmission of news, New Zealand, even, is not so far from England now-a-days as Scotland was when the union of the crowns took place. It would, no doubt, take longer to go from England to New Zealand now than from England to Scotland then, but tho journey would be attended with much less risk. The probability is, too, that we shall soon be able to sond news by telegraph all the way, which would altogether abolish the objection of distance — an objection, indeed, which never could have been a very weighty one with any bufc the vulgar.

Another objection has been suggested, viz., that the temper of Eugland is all tho other way — iii favor of separation from the colonies, not of federation with them. It must nofc be forgotten that English opinion on the subject is afc present under the effects of a reaction. A short time ago it was at the opposite extreme. Colonial wars were carried on regardless of expense ; colonial products were protected to the detriment of English commerce. It can hardly be said that her generosity was duly appreciated. The colonies did not study her interests when they imposed heavy "duties on her manufactures, noi' her feelings whon they proclaimed the gospel of self-reliance. All this, of course, produced a reaction ; but reactions are not permanent. English opinion will soon return to its old level of reasonable good will to tho colonies. Indeed, when we consider what federation implies, we will see that ifc is in various ways so obviously an advantage to Britain that she could not possibly regard it in any other light. By federation she would avoid the dismemberment of the Empire, which otherwise must ensue, and which, putting the matter on the lowest ground, would cause her a considerable loss of trade, owing to the fact that people are much more likely to trade with thoir fellowcountrymen than with foreigners, and thafc if separation should take place Englishmen and colonists would stand to each other in the position of foreigners. Her taxation would be lightened, ns the Colonies would then share the expense of keeping up an army and navy to defend all the federated states of the union. She would have, gratis, harbours and coaling stations in all parts of the world, where it would be unbearably expensive to maintain them alono. Finally, she would remain a great power ; nofc sink into another Holland.

In return for all this, sho would havo to give up her dictatorship of the external policy of the Empire ; or, rather, of her own external policy, for if she refused, separation would follow, and she would have no Empire to dictate to. She has not had the character, of late years, of being very tenacious of exclusive political power. The loss of ifc, according to her detractors, even, would count for very little against so many arguments addressed to the pocket as could be adduced in favor of the other side. The tone of the English journals accords with this view of the subject. They take ifc for granted that federation would be an unqualified blessing if it could be brought about, bufc seem to think thafc the Colonies would nofc agree to contribute to the general expense of keeping "up a Federal army and navy. Bufc they seem to have forgotten that if the Colonies separate from Britain they will then have to support fleets and armies of their own, and that this would come to be much more expensive than sharing the cost with Britain.

But supposing federation should tend to equal taxation all over the Empire, this would affisefc the taxation of tlie Australian. Colonies in the direction of reducing ifc. It is already not quite four shillings per head less than British taxation, while in the North American Colonies the taxation per head is only one-third of British. So, as far as the Australian Colonies are concerned, this federation is not a thing whose benefits admit of discussion, but a consummation devoutly to be hoped for, and granting that some of the colonies should increase their taxation somewhat by entering the federation, are wo justified in concluding that they would consider this too high a price to pay for security so perfect that attack would be a thing undreamt of,— for having a voice in ruling the destinies of the mighty Empire on which the sun never sets, — for having careers open to their sons such as have never been open to men since Rome ruled the habitable world. Those who best know the colonial temper will answer most; unhesitatingly No.

Sir,;— l send you an account of two projects now before Congress " for constructing railways across the American continent which shall not be subject to the objeptioasteg^d against the Union Pacific

line." The following extracts may perhaps interest your readers. — I am, &c,

A Tbavelleb.

United States, Augnst ; 1869.

THE KANSAS PAOIFIG EAIIiKOAD.

The promoters of this line, which already reaches from Kansas city to the borders of Colorado, have determined to continue it straight to the westward, and make it a new Pacific rOute. In furtherance of this project, they have accurately chained, levelled, and surveyed by instruments 4464 miles of country. These explorations were conducted through a hostile country ; every surveying party was guarded by a body of cavalry, and every surveyor carried firearms. The results of these surveys proved that a railroad could be made uniting St. Louis with San Francisco, along the 35 th parallel of latitude, which should form a shorter route between New York and San Francisco than via Sail; Lake City. The following is the description of country through which tho new railroad is destined to pass.

Eastern Kansas is fertile aud well watered, and consists partly of forests, partly of plains. Western Kansas is an arid desert. There aye large and good coal beds in Eastern Kansas. Tho valley of the Arkansas is well suited for agriculture. For fifty miles the railroad will follow the fertile valley of the Purgatoire, and will run parallel to the Rocky Mountains until it can pass around the southern extremity and cross the valley of the Rio Grande del Norte. All this region affords magnificent grazing for stock, and is well watered. Here and there we meet a few pioneer farmers, raising fine orops either by means of irrigation from the streams or by reservoirs upon the plateaux. One farmer has 2500 acres of land under cultivation by the latter process near Fort Union, and has made a large fortune. In ,'this . region, also, there is abundance of fine coal, iron ore, precious metals, and other minerals. One district alone — the Toas district, in New Mexico — has received 3000 g;old miners within the last year. The Rio Grande valley, from its source in the beautiful St. Louis Park to El Pass, more than 500 miles, is most fertile with irrigation, and will produce almost anything. West of the Rio Grande, on the 35th parallel, the, country becomes volcanic. Here there is a considerable rainfall, and a large area of cultivable land, and the climate is temperate and invigorating. All central Arizona abounds in undeveloped mineral wealth, but tho wild Indians and the want of roads renders this country inaccessible. The tivo evils 7vave but one remedy— tlie railroad. The Rio Colorada is called the American Nile. Here the country consists of a succession of broad valleys, subject to periodical overflow. The climate is hot and sultry. Having crossed tho Sierra Nevada by the broad and almost level pass Tehackapa, the great central trough of California is entered, aud from this point to San Francisco the railroad will pass through arable and grazing lands for the entire distance, as well as in close proximity to the mining districts which lie on the western slopo of the Sierra Nevada. Millions of acres will thus be brought within reach of the settler — land upon which Californian wheat will be raised, and which is now covered with the wild oats of the Pacific slopes. So much for the Kansas Pacific route. THE NORTHERN PACIFIC RAILWAY. The Northern Pacific railway proposes to make use of the great lake system of the continent, and the rivers which flow east and west abovo the meridian of New York. It woujd.be possible to pass/from, that city to Portlafid, on'fhe Pacific, 3201. miles, by steamboat for 2480 miles and by rail for the remaining 725. The object of the Northern Pacific railroad is not only to develop the country through which it passes, but to unite three great steamboat routes with one another. The Senate committee on Pacific railroads report (Feb. 19, 1869) that every element of wealth— every condition of social growth and prosperity exists in the territory between Lake Superior and Puget Sound. For this immense region, embracing Minnesota, Dakota, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, Washington, and a part of Wisconsin, railroads can do more than they have done for Illinois. From two points of view, we as a nation — and, in fact, all Europe — aro closely interested in these railway projects. In the first placo, we are led to inquire whether the main currents of trade between Europe and the East, China, India, Japan, New Zealand, and Australia will be shifted into new channels. In tho second place, immigration will be encouraged upon so large a scale that we are likely to lose a great proportion of surplus labor. If these railway enterprises are completed in five years, they will open almost as large a field for emigration as the discovery^f a new continent with a circumference equal to the combined length of the railroad in question, or 2874 miles, for without highways for transportation of produce land is comparatively valueless to the colonist.

Trade between Europe and our Indian empire will nofc, of course, be affected by these new routes. Our trade with China requires consideration. For quick passenger traffic, the completion of our railroad system across India will cause the following results — London to Hongkong, i via Marseilles and Bombay, 39 days ; via New York and San Francisco, 43 days ; to Shanghai, by the former route, 47 days, and by the latter route, 43 days. Some of the passenger traffic to China will certainly go by San Francisco. The passago of freight is different. Merchandise which can afford to pay. for a quick passage will go in stcamei-s through, the Suez canal, and thus save a distance of 4000 miles by sea. Passenger traffic with Japan and New Zealand will probably be diverted into tho new channel — London to Yokohama, via Marseilles aud Bombay, 48 days ; via New York and San Francisco, 38 days. Tho shortest route to New Zealand will also bo by San Francisco. We shall be able, in fact, to go from London to Now York, 10 days ; New York to Sau Francisco, 6 days ; San Francisco to Wellington, 21 days ; total, 37 days. Our Australian goods traffic will not be affected. Just whilo immigration is actually, being opposed in somo of our colonies, tho Americans are demanding, with greater force than ever, more brains and hands. Ifc can be shown by official record, says the Senate Committee, in their report on the Pacific railways, that the Kansas Pacific, the Union Pacific, and the Central Pacific have been instrumental in adding hundreds of thousands to the population of the Western States. Minnesota owes to tho rapidity and cheapness of transportation by rail her best citizens — 100,000 Germans, Norwegians, and Swedes. Every foreign laborer landing on American shores is valued at 1500 dollars. The New York immigration depot gives an average of 100 dollars as the money property of every man, woman, and child landed at New York. From 1830, the commencement of our railway building, to 1860, the number of foreign emigrants was 4,787,924 ; at that ratio of coin wealth possessed by each,' the total addition to the stock of money in the United States made by this increase to its population -was "478,792,400 .dollars.