THE NEW COLONIAL POLICY.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 13, Issue 1088, 1 October 1869, Page 1

THE NEW COLONIAL POLICY.

(From "The Tablet," June 26.)

There are two distinct views of colonial

policy. Each lias its advocates. The one is to retain the colonies as integral parts of the British Empire. According to this view, Queen Victoria is their Queen, and the colonists and natives are her subjects. She governs her colonies according to that system which has been found to work the best, the system of self-government and local administration, She, however, names the persons who shall represent her authority and dignity as Governors, and she retains a certain power and control over the laws which are framed by the Colonial Governments. The colonies, on the other hand, have become exceedingly convenient outlets for our surplus population; they have become great markets for the consumption of our manufactures ; they have turned our poverty into wealth ; for the pauper who in England cost us £10 a year, when he has settled for a time in & colony, not only has relieved us of his burden, but has become an actual consumer of £10 worth of our goods, which are exported to him. England's prestige and commercial empire depend in a great measure upon her colonies, and upon the loyalty and attachment towards herself which she is able to inspire into these dependencies. Moreover, she has hitherto consented to pay for these advantages by extending towards her colonies the protection which may be necessary to them, whether from enemies abroad, or from foes actually within their own territories. It has not hitherto been considered fair or honorable that she should not pay in this way for her advantages. She has gladly accepted the position of a mother towards her children. She has protected her colonists by a kind of offensive and defensive alliance ; and she has never hesitated to pour out her money and her blood, as in North America and India, at least when her own commercial interests seemed to require it. Is there to be now a turn in the tide P

The other view of colonial policy is, that colonies are a burden to us, and cost us " more bother than they are worth ; " that they must learn to do without us altogether, and to shift for themselves ; that Great Britain and Ireland are Empire large enough, and that we shall be a greater people if we limit all connection with other parts of the world to that which is purely commercial. It is needless to point out which of these two systems has hitherto been the policy of this country. And it is equally needless to declare that the English people will not tolerate a complete revolution in their colonial policy, undertaken without their consent or concurrence. | If the English people are willing to j sever their connection with Canada, Aus- i tralia, New Zealand, India, or any other distant possessions, and to allow these countries their own absolute independence, well and good. They have a perfect right to do so ; but they must not afterwards dictate to these countries, or interfere with the course they may then think fit to adopt. Whatever the English people may elect to do when they are consulted, it is quite certain that the Government of the day has no right to revolutionize the ! Imperial system without the consent of both Houses of Parliament. Unfortunately the preface to such a revolution has already been written by Lord Granvilleas Colonial Secretary, and it is to this that we wish to call attention. We refer to his late dispatch, dated March 21, to Sir Gk F. Bowen, Governor of New Zealand, which is now before us. The broad outlines of the case are these :—

The Northern Island of New Zealand contains a large agricultural and mining population of colonists scattered along the seaboard and far into the interior, hundreds of miles often intervening between their stations. The centre of the island is formed of mountain chains and fastnesses, and of thick bush, which is almost impenetrable. These are the strongholds of that portion of the Maori race which is now at war with the colonists. These brigands descend upon the colonists now in the north ; and now in the south ; today they are murdering Europeans in the west, and to-morrow they have withdrawn, and have poured down upon the eastern slopes, scattering and murdering the peaceful inhabitants. The advantages are all on the side of the Maoris, who are

thus enabled to carry on a guerilla warfare. A small number can outwit a large army, just as we hare seen in Italy in the case or the brigands and the royal troops. The number of these hostile Maoris does not exceed one or two thousand ; but their strength depends not upon their number so much as upon their position, their skill, and their resources. A portion of the same native race is actually favourable to, and allied with, the Europeans and colonists; and the remaining, the third and larger portion, is at present in a state of neutrality, though but little would suffice to precipitate them into hostilities, and to induce them to join their brethren, who are successfully maintaining a state of chronic pillage and warfare in the centre of the island. We must bear in mind also that the friendly Maoris and the neutral tribes are both influenced by an extraordinary idea of the power of Queen Victoria ; they are, in a sense, proud of being her subjects, and they have a sort of superstitious, savage idea that she can wield the thunder, and that she is a kind of a god or goddess — far off, indeed, but very powerful to protect or to destroy them. Anything, therefore, which should weaken their respect for the Queen would result in grievous consequences to the European colonists. The war between the colonists and the Maoris, begun some years ago, required the assistance of Imperial troops. It is well-known that there have been all kinds of misunderstandings between the colony and the Home Government, between the commanders of the army and of the fleet, between the colonial and Imperial troops, between the State legislature and the Secretary for the Colonies ; but this is by the way. We have had as many as 10,000 British troops in New Zealand at a time — once even they were hardly a match for Maori enemies. The Colonial Secretary, disgusted no doubt with the little success which British arms have met with, and hearing the people complain of a New Zealand war which seemed to bring with it neither glory nor profit, finally determined upon a new course of conduct. Add to this motive that the present Government came into power upon the retrenchment principle. The army and navy were to be cut down at home and abroad; clerks were to be cashiered. Mr. Lowe descended even to details of quills and paper. Everything was to be cut down. And so it has happened, first, that the Government had absolutely recalled the last British regiment from Hew Zealand, and that in the face of an unsubdued rebellion ; and secondly, that when Mr. Ktzherbert came over here from the colony to negotiate a loan of a million and a half, with a view of meeting the difficulties occasioned by the withdrawal of the British troops, and supplying their place by others, the British Government returned him an absolute and categorical refusal, either to back the loan by an Imperial guarantee, or to afford any further assistance whatever to the distressed colony. There was no question, therefore, of leaving the colony to Ibe defended

by an expenditure of -Br^is|^Mdb^ s3u>V.£ colonists were willing to assume ipi&ie?: y\] sponsibiHty themselves, but for this, pnrpose a loan was required; and all thrit wad; asked of England was to support; it witft a guarantee. But this is not all. The manner in which this new policy has been ' inaugurated by Lord Granville has given the deepest offence, and, as we are assured, is calculated to produce the gravest results in New Zealand. It has called forth from Sir George Grey, who. has twice been Governor of New Zealand, from Sir Charles Clifford, late Speaker of the House of Representatives, and from three other colonial magnates who are now in England, a joint document in the shape of a "Public Protest." We publish this "protest!' in another column, and it will speak for itself. We confine ourselves to two reflections. The first is this, that though it may be wise to withdraw British forces from the colonies, and to throw the colonists entirely upon their own resources, it is neither English nor generous to withdraw troops in the face of an enemy, as we have just done in New Zealand. If the army is to be recalled from the colonies; why has not the recall begun in Canada, in Australia, j or in our other dependencies, where all is j at peace, and not in New Zealand, where the population is in a state of suffering and distress, and clamours for our assistance in this crisis of its history? Secondly, if Lord Granville recalls troops, and refuses an Imperial guarantee and every other assistance to the colony— if England is about to throw off the expenses and burc]£qs which accompany the possession of an extensive empire, — let the English people accept the consequences with their eyes open. If we are unwilling or unable to grant the protection which is found to be necessary for the existence and wellbeing of the colony, we must not be surprised if it be sought elsewhere. The / concluding words of the "Protest " point""" to this as an inevitable necessity :— " We declare with sorrow," say the great authorities who sign it, " our conviction that the policy which is being pursued towards New Zealand will have the effect of alienating the affections of her Majesty's loyal subjects in that country, and is calculated to. drive the colony out of the Empire." If this be the effect of the despatch by Lord Granville, he has been guilty of a fatal blunder as Colonial Secretary. If England withdraws her protection from the colonies, she can retain no claim to their loyalty and obedience. And if New Zealand requires assistance and cannot obtain it elsewhere, it is useless to blind ourselves to the fact that Russia, or the United States, or Erance, would only be too well pleased to become her protector, and to receive her into their Empire. New Zealand is the key to that portion of the Southern hemisphere. It has the most magnificent harbours, in which the fleets of the world may ride at ease. No ship bearing its cargo of wool or of gold can leave Australia without passing within sight of -New Zealand; no merchantman carrying the manufactures of England to the cities of that great continent could be safe if New Zealand gave harbour to a hostile fleet. The internal resources of the island, her geographical position, and the obvious advantages she would offer to any of the great commercial and growing empires of the world, are such that even self-interest will point out to England the importance of retaining what she holds, and consequently of generously accepting the liabilities which are the necessary accompaniments of dominion, authority, and subjection. The whole subject is exceedingly grave ; and the sooner it is taken up and maturely considered by the country, the sooner will the evil consequences likely to follow from Lord Granville's dis» .paten be neutralized or averted.