THOUGHTS ON POLITICAL MORALITY.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 6, Issue 336, 22 November 1862, Page 5

THOUGHTS ON POLITICAL MORALITY.

Ai-UEOTITEK DELIVBBED. ATDTOTEDIN: BY MAJOR EIOHAEI)SOITIOTHETOTJirGMKK?S<JffiMBIIABr .... r ASSOCIATIOir. ...""'"■". . I iJTTnB thought when I last had the_pleasure of addressing you that the duty whioh you then so kindly requested me to undertake had anything in it of a perennial character. JL then imagined that I had received' a certificate; discharging me from: all- future liabilities ; but,, alas for tie character of all human anticipations, I~am .necessitated'once more to throw myself uponyourindul-. i -gence,':and'crave your attention for;a short time. "There is something so instructive' in the mode by which I arrived at the -choice of the subject which lUshall bring under '-your- consideration, that I must plead for pardon if I am somewhat -;- prolix in^explanation of it. One fine day, about a fortnight since, I was chewing the cud. of re- " flection in my office,.. when I.. received intimation that a gentleman was desirous of seeing me. ■ Now, I know-not how it is, but the very idea of such a demand had something in it .which was ■ far from assuring.; for it is the term generally selected by those whose agreeable avocation it is to call at people's houses, and, on admission, to '' place in their hands, in the most obliging manner, a printed 'document which is generally known as a writ ; but it was not so much on this .• account that "I was apprehensive, though from my unfortunate position I have constantly to ■ read~in thepublic prints an intimation that there ; has been, some pleasant legal intercourse going on between myself versus, some one else, or by that •respected individual versus myself ; but I was somewhat apprehensive that the gentleman so desirous of being admitted was a deputation ; for ever since I incautiously admitted a deputation • of fifteen in one long unbroken continuity of humanity, my political nervous system has received a severe shock, and as on this occasion (and I am sure you will pardon the passing allusion) each member appeared to take a different view of the subject under consideration, or to look at it from a different angle of observation ; and as it was evident that an opinion prevailed that with two ears I could hear what was said by three persons speaking at one time, I unconsciously assumed the attitude of that toy which represents a • Chinese mandarin as turning and bowing in all . directions. To return, however, to the outsider. I intimated, without further delay, but with an internal spasm, that I should have much pleasure in seeing him. He entered with a smile, and I • read at a glance what was in store for me. Who that has seen a similar smile can forget it ? It is redolent of an appeal to your benevolence in . some form or other. I awaited in mute dismay !. the production of a memorial, praying for the more rapid introduction of full grown female immigrants of a marriageable quality ; or of a subscription list to present a testimonial to some one who had earned for himself the uncommon <• merit of having done his duty as a gentleman should ever do it ; or of a request that I would aid in sending moral pocket-handkerchiefs to a benighted race, who invariably, when received, convert them into gowns, on the plea of not being subject to attacks of influenza in their aboriginal condition ; but on the present occasion the demand was of an entirely different character : it was that I would deliver one of a series of lectures, and in order to avoid in anticipation any doubt as to the selection of a subject, I had a list of suggested subjects placed in my hands. On a hasty perusal, I found that they and I were byno means on intimate terms. Among them was that of " political morality," and it was immediately pressed on my attention by a friend that on the ground that as " familiarity breeds contempt," I must at least be on very decent terms with political morality, with which it was slyly insinuated that I had not much associated. As a drowning man catches at a straw, I grasped the subject presented to me, and went homewards to meditate, with the hint that the period of incubation was about eight or ten days ; and lat once resolved that, rather than stand shivering on the bank, I would dive in head foremost, which is the proper attitude in an intellectual effort. . I took the subject to bed with me. I dreamed of it in the. night watches, and, as a vision, it pursued me under every form and shape — now, as a hand- writing on the walls of the gorgeous banqueting hall of the Assyrian monarch, and I thought I deciphered the words " Political Morality." Then again I fancied myself in the Court of Sir Cresswell Cresswell, and there was a divorce case going on, and the noun "morality" was urging to be divorced from the adjective "political," on the ground of incompatibility, — and, then again, everything went smooth and easy, like the even tenor of married life when the solemn, question has been settled as to the right of proprietorship in the nether garments (name unknown) ; and lat last found myself resolving to grapple with the subject at once, on the principle endorsed, by the immortal Pickwick — as adopted by Mr. Potts, when writing on Chinese metaphysics, by reading in the EncyoloVpsedia Britannica about metaphysics under the ■letter M, and about Chinese under the letter C, and then combining the mass of valuable inf or- , mation thus, collected. I think, therefore, I have established a claim on your attention., and indulgence, in consideration not only of the mental agonies I have undergone, but on the .score of the vast literary assiduity and extensive research I have brought to bear upon this important subject, and because also the bantling is none of my adoption. The firstr question which instinctively arises in the consideration of the subject before us is, as to may be. regarded to be the maxims of political morality— l answer without hesitation, and IP^Pfc^ 6 * 1 : of contradiction, that the morality <x.vaeJ&Oßpel is the only foundation of political morapy ; that the code of the Christian is the codeoptf the statesman, A transparent outspoken truthfulness is the first article of belief an 4 practu>& with each. "* Does any one ask whether it is _ possible for diplomacy to act effectively if so regulated ? I reply in the affirmative. Does the infidel sheerer, who toys with what is sacred in the «yes of the 1 believer, does ie exclaim that in politics as in war everything is fair— that the end justifies- the means? I utterly: repudiate the doctrine; in politics our* object is to find the truth, not to triumph over it ; in war we design J» enforce the truth -and defend what is right ;

for^wars which have otb f erpbjec.ts be justified. Thus much: foe the political code. > I will endeavor, in the progress of this lecture, to; confine, as much as possible, our investigations;, within-narrow- limit*; but^ as without-dbubfrthe subject is somewhat of a dry nature, I may be pardoned if I occasionally digress. Before, however, ; proceeding to grayer consid- ! erations I desire to give a few brief stietcb.es of some of the venial offenders against. political, morality. "If there is one thing moreihan another which precludes a statesman from- attaining to the high- ' est eminence in his profession, , either in. the council-chamber or the senate, it is the breach of that element of political morality which is exhibited by those who. envenom .debate by condescending to personal invective and vituperation, ■>' and thus introduce feelings. antagonistic to calm •investigation. Amongst thosewho lead the councils of the nation at the present day is a master, in this art ; not only has he graduated in the science, but academically speaking has attained to the highest honours, or rather to a fatal pre> eminence. Lavishly gifted with a literary capar city of no ordinary character, endowed with powers of reasoning and imaginationof dazzling brilliancy, and possessed of an eloquence which is well adapted to captivate and enthrall, the lustre of his glory is dimmed by a bitterness of sarcasm and a pungency of invective which may irritate, and perhaps destroy, but can.never subdue or convert an I need not. tell you that I allude to D'lsraeli. Like the Australian wea-_ pon, the boomerang, in unskilful hands, -which returns to wound the projector, a vindictive eloquence recoils upon and overwhelms itself . The vituperative declamation and the taunting sneer, can with almost unerring certainty be regarded only as the substitute for argument ; it is like the ejection from the scuttle fish which is designed by its opacity of colour to bewilder and baffle the pursuer. When reading some of Disraeli's impassioned masterpieces of art, we are insensibly reminded of that noble passage in the life of Lord Thurlow, when taunted for want of nobility of birth by the Duke of Graf ton, whose ancestor owed his existence to the fact of Charles the Second indulging in the patriarchal privilege of having more than one wife.. "The noble lord," said Thurlow, "cannot look before him, or behind him, or on either side of him, without seeing some noble peer who owes his seat in this house to his successful exertions in the profession to which he belongs. Does he not feel that it is as honorable to owe it to these, as to being the accident of an accident ? No man venerates the peerage more than I do ; but, my Lords, I must say that the peerage solicited me, not I the peerage. Nay, more I can say, and will say, that as a peer of Parliament, as Speaker of this Bight Honorable House, as Keeper of the great seal, as Lord High Chancellor of England, nay, even in that character alone in which the noble duke thinks it an affront to be considered, but which character none can deny me, as a man, I am at this moment as much respected as the proudest peer that I now look down upon." • You may remember a similar instance of swift and cutting retribution which occurred in the case, of Curran, when pleading before Judge Robinson, a man who owed his elevation to the bench to sycophancy and the production of political pamphlets, alike distinguished by the absence of merit, as by the presence of the most scurrilous vituperation. The youthful advocate, then in the dawn of his brilliant career, but with briefs as few as angels' visits, had remarked in reply to the opposing counsel that, "He had studied all his law books and could not find a single case where the principle contended for was established ; " when the brow-beating judge intervened with the remark — "I suspect, sir, that your library is rather contracted." Feeling this to be a sneer at his poverty, Curran indignantly replied, "It is true, my Lord, that lam poor, and the circumstance has rather curtailed my library — my books are not numerous, but they are select, and, I hope, have been perused with proper dispositions. I have prepared for this high profession rather by the study of a few good books, than by the composition of a great many bad ones. lam not ashamed of my poverty, but I should be ashamed of my wealth could I stoop to acquire it by servility and corruption. If I rise not to rank, I shall at least be honest; and should I ever cease to be so, many an example shows me that an ill-acquired elevation, by making me the more conspicuous, would only make me the more universallyand the more notoriously contemptible." Among the venial offenders against political morality, or, more correctly speaking, political propriety, may be fairly reckoned that vastly disagreeable man, who is always ready at a moment's. notice, and with infinite zest, to talk against time, in order to serve aparty purpose ; and that insufferable proser, who evidently considers that Parliaments meet for the simple purpose of hearing him speak. It would be difficult to say which is entitled to the belt for being the greatest nuisance. If they could read with others' eyes they would shrink within themselves, were it not that they are generally case-hardened against all external impressions. The reward of both is invariably the same — an empty House. Let either of them but get on his legs, and you will find that an intimation has been universally received that the attendance of members is urgently required in some other room. On one occasion an amiable member of the House of Commons had been indulging himself in an eloquent harangue, until there was nothing but empty benches around him, and suddenly asked, for the purpose of illustrating bis argument, that the Biot Act might be read. Burke had long been agonizingly expecting the conclusion of the harangue, and. his patience being thoroughly exhausted, he started to his feet and exclaimed— "The Riot Act, my dear friend ! to what purpose? Don't you see the mob is entirely dispersed already?" There is another habit which we must class among the venials, but it is not so offensive in. its character.' The man 'addicted to it is generally one who cares not what he does, so that he can gain his point. He delights to select an objeot to whom an interruption is annoying. He will atone time try a derisive cheer, and, if that foil,; he will interpose a remark, a question, or an-ex-planation, in the hope that the thread of the

, address may, iejt>wjcen and not easily joined to- ■ gether again. -A Wilful debater may often make capital out of. such interruption by an appropriate; and stinging repartee ; while others are so put off their guard that the enemy triumphs. A well known instance occurred in the case of Burke. Parliament had been dissolved at the request of ;.Mr. Pitt, .and 160 new members had been returned to the House, who scarcely' knew, and certainly ..did.not appreciate, thejmasters of oratory who held undisputed sway over it in" the previous sessions. Burke, : who had never risen but he had obtained an attentive audience, had, on the present occasion, just risen with a formidable roll of papers in his hand, when a country gentleman, fresh from -the wilds, had the impudence to get up and. express a modest hope, "That the hon. member=did. not mean to read that large bundle of papers, and bore them with a long speech into the bargain.'' Burke was silent with astonishment and indignation, and. rushed violently out of the House without uttering a word. " Never before," said the wit, Geo. Selwyn, "did I see the fable realised, ' A Lion put to flight by the braying of an ass.' " Very different treatment did an honorable member on the opposition members receive when he attempted to interrupt Peel by -crying out derisively, "Oh dear." " Sir," said Mr.. Peel, addressing the Speaker, "I believe the House will be of opinion that I take the most becoming course in passing without notice the inarticulate sounds with- which the honorable gentleman has interrupted me, although those inarticulate sounds are, I admit, equally powerful with any arguments which the hon. gentleman could adduce, and afe least equally entitled to consideration." There is also a somewhat peculiar disregard of the obligations of political morality, in what might be described as the " antipathy vote." A member has been enjoying the fumes of a mild cigarette in that abode of bliss, known in all English colonies as Bellamy's, when he is suddenly summoned to exercise his representative right of recording his vote. The subject which has been under debate is unknown to him, and he has not the faintest shadow of the arguments which have been urged on either side, but on entering the council chamber a rapid glance is sufficient to assure him that an honorable member, to whom he has a mortal antipathy, intends to vote with the " ayes," and, forthwith, with deliberate step and conscious dignity, he enrols himself amongst the " noes." Closely allied to this specimen of a conscientious debater is the partiality vote?: -The absent member, when summoned to the House by the ringing of the division^ bell, ascertains that'his friend is with the " noes," and he follows in his wake, and is saved an endless amount of patient investigation and prosaic nonsense. "" It would- scarcely be generous to notice the deep sense of political responsibility of that member, who, during the session, most religiously attends to his own business, and visits the House just in sufficient time to vote, when the keeper of his conscience informs him that there is great apprehension that schedule A is likely to be burked, and schedule X to be elongated into unnatural dimensions; or that an Act of 300 clauses; involving property to a large amount, and dealing with legal niceties of the most delicate character, has to be passed before an honorable member, hourly expected, and whose vote may upset a desired decision, may arise. Among the many phases which political immorality assumes, there is one which, in the classical language of the Senate House, is familiarly known by the expression " log-rolling." It is an ingenious application to senatorial uses, of a system which prevails in the backwoods of America, where the paucity of hands occasionally necessitates, a combination of forces to effect a desired object. A log of gigantic proportions has to be moved, and the aid of neighbours is solicited and obtained in consideration of a return service at some future day. This principle introduced into politics, speaks thus — "Help me and Til help you." There can be no question that such a procedure is a violation of the commonest rules of ordinary morality, and, to speak in good sound English, is neither more nor less than selling your vote. I cannot conceive an occasion where such conduct would be justifiable. It may arise that, in order to strengthen a political party with whose principles you agree, and to prevent the accession to office of a party whose principles you hold to be injurious, that you may have to forego your convictions on some minor points under debate, rather than incur a greater evil ; but then you act simply from a regard to the general interests of the State. It was my misfortune, on one occasion, to be placed in this predicament, before I had fully considered in what way it was my duty to act. I was apprehensive that the Ministry, which, in an hour of difficulty, had stepped forward, undesirous of such honor, to fill a gap, was in jeopardy, and I stooped low to bring all my strength on the log hefore. the House,; -when, a gleam of sunshine exhibiting the danger to be illusory, I leaped over the log, and escaped to the retiring room, just in time, and thus avoided the horns of a dilemma, between; which it would have been far from agreeable to be tossed, at so early a date in my political existence. If the practice •which prevailed among heathen nations were revived — of deifying those who stand pre-eminent among their fellow-men, I would select, as the objects of my political adoration, Burke, Pitt, and Peel — a tribune divinity embodying all that is noble, . manly, patriotic, sublime, profound, unaffectedly sincere and truthful. These names should be embalmed in my heart, and, from the, inspiration of their writings, I would derive all that should equip me for the performance of the duties of political life. If we wish, to drink at the well-spring of political morality, we must resort, to the master minds of political science—not to those only who have dwelt in the sequestered abodes of philosophic retirement, but to those who have battled on the arena of public life, and have personally illustrated the maxims which they have advocated ; and to whom among these could, we go with greater confidence than to Edmund Burke, of whom it has been said by the late Sir Robert Peel,, " that he was the most eloquent of orators and the most profound of the philosophic states-. men of modern times." Sir James Mackintosh .regarded him as " without any parallel in any age or country, except perhaps Lord Bacon and Cicero ; and his works as containing an ampler

store of. political and moral .wisdom, .than, can. be found in any other writer 'wThateyer/', With a kindred fervour the most eloquent divine of 'hia day, Bobert Hall, exclaims, ; '^The, .compositions of Burkeare master pieces. Who, can? withstand the fascinations of his eloquence ? , Sis imperial fancy has laid all nature under tribute, and ljas collected.ricb.es from every,scene .of. the; creation, and every walk of life;" and a living philosopher, Lord Brougham, himself a fellow .[worker : with Burke, asserts that "no one can doubt. that enlightened men in all ages will hang over the works of Mr. Burke, and that Mr. Fox might well avow, without a compliment, that he had learned more from him than from all other men and. authors." lam sure, therefore, . you will concur in the propriety of the course I shall adopt, of expressing the views I entertain regarding political morality and such kindred subjects- as much as ..possible in the language of others, especially in that of Edmund Burke. There is no surer evidence to my mind of the want of one of the essentials of political morality, than the absence in a constituency of all interest as to the character and opinion's of those who shall represent them in the Councils of the State. It may be asserted as a general rule, that the representative will fairly pourtray the constituency which elects him. What can be a more painful evidence of a dereliction of duty than our elections have lately exhibited? Interests of the greatest magnitude to the welfare of the Province have scarcely had attractions sufficient to induce even a tithe of the constituency to step aside for an hour to record their votes ; no -yyonder then that men are wanting to devote themselves to our service, when we are callous and indifferent ; or that we find our representatives faithful resemblances of ourselves in being listless and apathetic ; that it is sometimes otherwise,, isto be ascribed more to the high principle in those that are sent, than to the ardour and zeal of those who send them. If, in a. religious point of view, the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church, we may also with equal propriety say, that the iron heel of oppression is the only cure for our lethargy. They' who will not use" their constitutional powers might with every justice be deprived of them, and they would then more fully appreciate the privileges they once possessed. Is it not indeed our shame, that that which is an object of intense longing among European nations, and to obtain which blood has been most lavishly shed, has no real value in our eyes? And is it not a sign of political degeneracy that such things are, and that we are apparently content that they should so remain 1 We pass on from the constituency which elects, to the representative who is to . be elected, and here we often find such stringent demands made, that would better befit a slave representing his master, than a freeman his fellows ; and those, too, often at the dictation of a few who revel in their liberty too well to allow others to enjoy the same privilege. It is, indeed, but right that on all material points of the highest magnitude there should exist an unity of judgment arid sentiment ; and that the representative should be selected in accordance with this uniformity of general ideas. Mr. Burke said, in returning thanks after his first election for the city of Bristol, in 1774, " Certainly, gentlemen, it ought to be the happiness and glory of a representative to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him ; their opinion high respect ; their business unremitted attention.. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs ; and, above all, in every and in all cases, to prefer their interests to "his own. But his unbiassed^ opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened' conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living. These he does not derive from your pleasure, no, nor from the law and the constitution.- They are a trust from Providence for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. AittJvoritative instructions ; mandates issued, which the member is bound blindly and implicitly to obey, to vote, and to argue for, though contrary to the clearest conviction of his judgment and conscience — these are things utterly unknown to the laws of this land, and which arise from a fundamental mistake of the whole order and tenor of our constitution." " Parliament is not a congress of ambassadors from, different and hostile interests ; which interests each must maintain, as an agent, and advocate against other agents and advocates ; but Parliament is a deliberative assembly of one nation, with one interest — that of the whole ; where not local purposes— not local prejudices ought to quide — but the general good, resulting from the general reason of the whole. You choose a member indeed, but when you have chosen him, he is not member of Bristol, but he is a member of Parliament. If the local constituent should have an interest, or should, form a hasty opinion, evidently opposed to the real good of the rest of the community, the member for that place ought to be as far as any other from any endeavors to give it effect." I feel sure that these sentiments meet with your hearty concurrence. Happy indeed are the people who could send representatives formed on such a model to our Assemblies. They would not' be ashamed when they met with their enemies in the gate. . In 1780, after a dissolution of Parliament, Burke appeared amongst his constituents through whose ranks the voice of slander had been busy. Mark well the noble language which falls from, his lips, " Look, gentlemen, to the wJtole tenor of your member's conduct. Try whether his ambition or his avarice -have jostled him out of the straight line of duty,: or whether that grand foe of the offices .of active life, that master vice in men of business, a degenerate and inglorious sloth, has made him flag or languish in his course. If our member's conduct can bear this touch, mark it for sterling. If we degrade our member's mind by servility, it will be absurd to expect that they who are creeping and abject towards us, will ever be bold and incorruptible assertera of our freedom, against the most seducing and the most formidable of all powers," When defending himself against unjust aspersions, and in justification of his votes- contrary to the opininion of his constituents, he proudly and nobly says, " I did notr obey your instructions. No ; I conformed to the instruction of truth and nature,.. and. maintained your interest against your

opinions with a constancy that. became me. I knew that you chose me in my place, along with others, to be a pillar of the State, and not a ■weather-cock on the top of the edifice, exalted for my levity and versatility, and of no use but to indicate the shiftings of every fashionable gale." Again in another address previous to an election, he says—" I must fairly tell you that, so far as my principles are concerned (principles which, I hope, will only depart with my last breath), I have no idea of a liberty unconnected with honesty and justice. When we know that the opinions of even the greatest multitudes are the standard of rectitude, then I shall.think myself obliged to make those opinions the masters of my conscience." (To be concluded in our next.)