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THE POLICY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON TOWARDS ENGLAND.

. [From the "Home News," 27th August.] A short time ago the French ambassador communicated to Lord J. Russell a private letter of a remarkable character, addressed to him (M. Persigny) by the Emperor of the French. , This letter, ;^v;hieh contains the most friendly sentiments towards England,

-and expresses a desire that the policy -of the two nations should be identical, was published in the journals on the Ist August. The following is a copy of it:— St. Cloud, July 25, 1860. My dear Persigny,— Affairs appear to me to be so complicated — thanks to the mistrust excited : everywhere since the war in Italy— that I write to you in the hope that a conversation, in perfect frankness (a cmur ouyertjj with Lord Palmerston will remedy the existing evil. Lord Palmerston -knows me, and when I affirm a thing he will believe me. Well ! you can tell him from me in thenaost explicit manner, that since the peace of Villafranea, I have had but one thought, one obrjeet — to inaugurate a new era of peace, and to live -on the best terms with all my neighbours, and especially with I had renounced Savoy < and Nice ; the extraordinary additions to Pied- ■ snont alone caused me to resume the desire to see ■reunited to France provinces essentially Trench. ;J3ut it will be objected — " You wish for peace, and .you increase, immoderately, the military forces of -France."- f deny the fact in every sense. My army and my fleet have in them nothing of a threatening character. My steam navy is even far from being adequate to our requirements, and s the number of steamers does not nearly equal that of. sailing ships deemed necessary in the day6 of Louis Philippe. I have 400,000 men under arms — but, deduct/rom this amount 60,000 in Algeria, €000 at Eomej 8000 in China, 20,000 gensdarmes, the sick, and the new conscripts, and you will see — rwhat is the truth — that my regiments are of smaller effective strength than during the pre--ceding reign. The only addition to the army list has been made by the creation of the Imperial Ghiard. Moreover, while wishing for peace, I desire also to organise the forces of the country on. the best possible footing, for if of the last war fo-' reigners have only seen the bright side, I myself have, close at hand, witnessed the defects, and I wish to remedy them. Having said thus much, I have, since Villafranca, neither done, nor even thought, anything which could alarm anyone. When Lavalette started for Constantinople, the instructions which I gave him were confined to this — " Use every effort to maintain the statics quo — the interest of France is that Turkey should live as long as possible." JTow, tlhen, occur the massacres in Syria, and it is asserted that I am very glad to find a new occasion of making a little war, or placing a new part. Really people give me credit for having very little common sense. If I instantly proposed an expedition, it was because my feelings were those of the peopls which has put me at its head, and the intelligence from Syria transported me with indignation. My first thought, nevertheless, was to come to an understanding with England. What other interest than that of humanity could induce me to send troops into that country? Could it be that the possession of it would increase my strength ? Can I conceal from myself that Algeria, notwithstanding its future advantages, is a source of weakness to France, which for 40 years has devoted to it the purest of its blood and its gold ? I said it in 1852, and my opinion is still the same — I have great conquests to make, but only in Erance. Her interior organization, her moral development, the increase of her resources, have still immense progress to make. There a fieid exists, vast enough Tor my ambition, and sufficient to satisfy it. . It was difficult, for me to come to an understanding with England on the subject of Central I taly, because I was bound by the peace of Villafranca. As to Sou* hern Italy, lam free from engagements, and I ask no better than a concert with England on this point as in others. But in heaven's name let the eminent men who are placed at the head of the English- Government lay aside petty jealousies and unjust mistrust. Let us understand one another in good faith, like honest men as we are, and not thieves who desire to cheat each other. To sum up, tnis is my innermost thought. I desire that Italy should obtain peace, no matter how, but without foreign intervention, and that my troops should be able to quit Rome without compromising the security of the Pope. I could very much wish not to be obliged to undertake tl;e Syrian expedition, and, in any case not to undertake it alone j firstly, because it will be an extra expense, and secondly; because I fear this intervention mey involve the Eastern question; but, on the other hand, I do not see how to resist public opinion in my country, which will never understand that we can leave unpunished not only the massacre of Christians, but the burning of our consulates, the insult to our flag, the pillage of the monasteries which were under our protection. I have told you all I think, without disguising or omitting anything. Make what use you may •think advisable of my letter. Believe in my sincere friendship. (Signed) Napoleon.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/HBH18601110.2.4.1

Bibliographic details

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 4, Issue 164, 10 November 1860, Page 2

Word Count
930

THE POLICY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON TOWARDS ENGLAND. Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 4, Issue 164, 10 November 1860, Page 2

THE POLICY OF THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON TOWARDS ENGLAND. Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 4, Issue 164, 10 November 1860, Page 2